LIVING IN A LAND OF SCARCITY

As western societies have become prosperous and the poor are pushed to the margins, we forget what a life of scarcity looks like. You can, however, visit communities in which the location of these two groups is reversed. Where the life of scarcity is central and the rich are at the margins. These communities can easily be found in developing nations. What does life look like in such an environment?

It may be as simple as going to a small store and buying a single cigarette or a single bandaid for your blister. Or discovering ads for viagra with a single tablet to the box; being able to purchase 4 antacids rather than a whole bottle. It means being almost entirely dependent on what is grown locally and being aware of seasonal availability. It is being aware that many of your neighbors open their front gates to reveal a table selling a few candies to children or a few vegetables or a few handmade objects. Where everyone is a vendor or has a trade useful in the local neighborhood. The man who will sharpen your knives, the person who sets up a small stand in the evening to sell fresh fruit or bread from a bakery two blocks away, the woman selling handmade hats, those selling clay cooking pots, children selling gum, the many local stands selling prepared foods in the early afternoon or evening, the person on a mule selling a few sticks of firewood or a bag of leaves (used like compost). Or it may be noticing that not everyone has a private telephone but many go to a local shop to use a phone. Or where there are internet shops in every neighborhood and a few where children can play computer games. Where people will walk for miles with their children rather than take an inexpensive bus. Or seeing that many things, including inexpensive plastic toys , are sold on a lay away plan or that a pair of jeans can be brought on credit.

Or if you get to know your neighbors well you learn that they cook over an open fire in the back of their yard, and that they have no water storage system so only use the water for 2-3 hours a day when it is piped into their house from the street. Many people will burn all of their garbage in the back yards rather than pay the 10 to 20 cents to the local garbage truck. They have no heating system although the night temperature frequently drops to 40-45 degrees. Young people take their courtship to the street or the plaza as there is little privacy in the home. Many homes will have a few chickens in the backyard, even if they live a few doors from city hall. Those a little to the edge of town may have cows or pigs. Other may have garden variety fruit trees. All of this assists in feeding the family and may provide a few goods for the market. When a member of the family dies you don’t put their cloths in a box and drop it at a impersonal pick-up station, destined for the consignment store or a charity. Rather you take it directly to the local flea market and sell it yourself.

Festivities are not the domain of the commercial sector (this parade brought to you by coca cola, or, these fire works are paid for by a distant government). Rather they are organized by the neighborhood, often centered around the church, or by individuals from the community appointed to the festival committee on an annual basis. Many life events are expensive - illness, death, baptism, marriage - and a well developed scheme of borrowing money from a group of friends exist, thus tying everyone into a necessary and strong set of relationships. Much different than seeing your local loans officer.


Those who are disabled may drag themselves through the market asking for money or those in wheelchairs may place themselves in the middle of the road asking motorists for donations. In more urban areas those in need of money may sell newspapers, maps, lottery tickets, or novelty items at intersections so you can shop from the car window. Or the enterprising may enter the intersection during the red light and perform acts of fire breathing or juggling, often atop a ladder to maximize the audience, and with perfect timing appear to ask for a donation before the light turns.

While this reduction in options may appear to the outsider as onerous it does present many advantages. Citizens have a stronger connection to the land and a much stronger connection to their neighborhood as they may purchase goods from them or even eat food they provide in the neighborhood. Without the burden of choosing from 25 different toothpaste or from attending to the constant appearance of new products, market decisions are fewer and shopping time is reduced and become immeasurably less stressful. The lack of separation between commercial and residential life makes for a more interesting community.

While life is certainly more difficult for people there is a sense of community which is hard to create in more developed societies.

FIESTAS: FOLLOW THE MONEY

Brandes (1988) offers a very useful analysis of the role of fiestas in Mexico. While the example he works with is the pueblo of Tzintzuntzan I think much of what he says is probably generalizable. The tile of the book is Power and Persuasion and so he shows us how to see that fiestas have elements of the power structure of the community built into them. He looks, for example, at the study of the fireworks which are a significant element of any fiesta. He shows us how we should ask important questions: who pays for the fireworks? Who receives the fireworks? In his case the origin of the fireworks reveals a structure of submission and dominance and the receipt of the fireworks reveals the power structure of the community.

Fiestas are very expensive and often leave individuals in debt. In 1951 Ocativio Paz writes that the Mexican fiesta is “ .. a ritual squandering of the goods painfully accumulated during the rest of the year”. If so, why do people do this? The psychology of this is unclear but in some communities we see that the position of carguero (the person or persons responsible for organizing and thus raising the funds for a particular fiesta) is often a symbol of status. It would be unusual to elect a poor person to the position of carguero so most of those who do get elected are among the more wealthy. To understand the connection between the carguero and the fiesta we need to go to anthropology to learn something of community psychology. Mexican pueblos often give the impression of great communal involvement and activity. Deeper down, however, we find that these communities are very individualistic and have a somewhat fatalistic attitude. It is often believed that the goods of the world are already distributed and will not change very much. (For more on this see the writings of George Foster). However, it is apparent that some are more wealthy (have more of the good) than do others. How does this tension get dealt with?

We can see that to some extent the fiesta is a mechanism to redistribute the goods and thus has elements of the potlatch of the West Coast Native peoples. In a stratified society the fiesta gives to others in the community if only through the receipt of entertainment, some food and perhaps some tequila. A very small number of people will be employed directly. Over a five day period, which is not uncommon for fiestas, a number of bands are hired, there is much dancing, many very large diner parties are held and much alcohol is given away. These things do not of course sustain people in the way that new blankets might or might other sustainable economic goods. However, this redistribution does cement the honoured position of the giver and perhaps eases the tension that flows from inequality. (A more wealthy person may be left with bills exceeding $15,000 dollars, a not inconsiderable sum). Perhaps it is the case that those sponsors who do not have sufficient funds must go to their network of possible lenders and this cementing of relationships of dependence helps build and maintain community stability and solidarity. So the fiesta may be a squandering of money, but it appears to serve a function in the pueblos.

With this in mind I was struck during attendance at one fiesta to be shown the carguero. He was a very young man who spends a great deal of time in the United States were presumably he makes a reasonable amount of money. He then returns home to spend this on his community. (Again, not in building houses or parks but in sponsoring a party.) At a second very large fiesta the “master of ceremonies” identified the sponsors of the fiesta and gave the amount of their donation. The vast majority of these people were from California. What would Brandes make of this? Does it suggest that power has moved out of the community and indeed out of the country? Does it reveal the tension between those who stay at home and those who go abroad to succeed in ways they could not at home? Does it equalize everyone to a small extent and encourage the feeling of collective involvement? Or perhaps, the giver does not make sufficient money in the USA to attain status there or his status is blocked by discrimination, but when he brings some of this money home he can attain an honorary position for himself and his family.

HATS OF THE HERMITS

While attending a pastorela dance in Michoacan I was struck by the tall pointy hats of many of the dancers. These dancers were called the hermits (ermitanos) and this hat is found in many pueblos while other hermits are characterized by a very European looking mask and on occasion by a peasant-like straw cape. The pastorela is usually performed over the Christmas season and is in essence a nativity play. The first description of such a play in Mexico is from 1586 although the performance can be dated back to the 12th century. While some of the roles appear to be similar to those dating back many years each community presents its own version and it is often difficult to see just how it relates to the nativity story. So what was the origin of the pointy hat?

I recalled my childhood days when the pointy hat was called a “dunce cap” and was associated with being stupid or misbehaving. This hat goes back to the 13th century Scottish philosopher John Duns Scotus whose ideas where very popular. Duns had his students wear a pointy hat because he believed this shape helped channel knowledge. As always happens, however, Dun’s ideas fell out of favour and the pointy hat became associated with being stupid or holding unorthodox religious ideas. We need to keep in mind that philosophy at that time was largely religious philosophy. So how does this get to Mexico?

These hermits of Ihuatzio show that not all hermits wear the pointy hat.

You may be familiar with an interesting painting by the Spanish artist Goya (1746-18280) of an ecclesiastical tribunal in which the accused wears a pointy hat. The Spanish Inquisition was introduced in 1478 and while controlled by the Catholic monarch was really a religious court aimed at maintaining Catholic orthodoxy. Spain at that time was a multi-religious society (Catholics, Jews and Muslims – and later Protestants). The Muslims were defeated in 1492 and were converting to Christianity in order to attain access to the benefits of the wider society. Jews had begun to do the same after the terrible pogroms of the last part of the 14th century. However, there was growing concern that many of these were false conversions and that in fact many were secretly practicing their previous religion. A great majority of the accused during the first 200 hundred years of the inquisition were indeed Muslims. Other offences that came to the tribunal were sexual offenses and misbehavior by priests, particularly if they were espousing unorthodox beliefs.

Here the hats are very very pointy - Santa Fe de la Languna.

The inquisition was introduced to Mexico in 1570 so we can now guess a little as to what happened. Perhaps a priest was involved in sexual misbehaviour or announced unorthodox beliefs and his punishment involved something more than acquittal and less than burning at the stake. His public humiliation led him to withdraw from the society and as a result become a little crazy. His role in the pastorela is in part comic but also a symbol of someone who gave way to temptation. Thus, like the devils and the drunkards he is to be tamed by the presence of the church.

There is a remaining mystery. In the dance depicted in the above photo all of the hats had a number on them. I was unable to imagine that this was a personal identification or a hat size, so now I wonder if it was just a random number representing the number of the accused in the ecclesiastical tribunal. Does any one have knowledge of this?

THE VALUE OF A PLAZA!

As a resident of Mexico one quickly comes to love the plaza as it is the centre of public life (and to some extent private) and sets the tone for the whole community. In Canada and the USA there is a feeling that this type of space is missing and attempts are often made to create these feeling in private spaces – in the malls. It is unclear if this can ever be achieved in developed nations as a cultural mind-set is also required to maintain a large public space. But let’s describe one plaza in a small Mexican village.

The plaza encompasses 4-5 square blocks and has many of the typical features of such spaces: The plaza is almost entirely surrounded by portals which protect one from the elements but also provide a transition from the commercial spaces of the businesses and municipal offices and the public space of the plaza itself. In the portals one can enjoy a cup of coffee, share a meal with fiends or buy an ice-cream. The plaza itself has large walkways, three fountains (one with a large statue of a local hero), stone benches around the fountain and the periphery as well as a substantial grass area that you are asked to stay off.

In the plaza one can also see hints of the power structure of the village. The municipal office is here, the homes of three or four of the older and still powerful families front the square and as the rents are high the owners have some influence. Unlike many plazas there is no church here which of course is still a great power in Mexico. The other anomaly is the presence of a quite large building (the Palacio) owned by the indigenous community, granted to them 20 years ago and almost 400 years after the death of the last king. Is this real power? It is unclear.

It is the use made of the entire plaza that reflects the culture of the village. Activities fluctuate throughout the day, as does the mood. In the morning all is quite with people enjoying a coffee or breakfast and others strolling to work or to the markets. A few women sit on a corner selling the tortillas they have made early in the morning. As the temperature warms vendors arrive with fruit stalls and people spend time on the benches. By late afternoon you can experience a wide variety of happenings which vary over the year and time of day. Small stalls are setup on the sidewalks selling hats and scarves, others the work of artisans, the goods of the store spill out on to the sidewalk, school children on their way home stop to play in the fountain and to tease each other and mobile vendors sell various food stuffs and other goods. A band may show up and soon people are dancing, the dog training class arrives to go through their paces, children with new bikes are learning to ride, adults do some power walking as their daily exercise, the school bands come to practice their skills and perhaps a group of kindergarden kids arrive with their tutor to learn how to march (focusing on the art of turning corners and staying in line) or other school children may come to practice short races. By early evening the plaza fills with people just strolling and visiting, young lovers gather around the fountains and many are eating the goods from food stalls – fruit, corn, atole (a type of hot drink), tamales and always the ice cream. Later men and women arrive with mobile stalls selling hamburgers, pizza, breads, candies. And finally the “hippies” appears with their tables loaded with jewelry.

The weekends may have a more festive mood with the sale of balloons and pull toys for kids, musicians play, the local traditional dancers perform the dance of the viejitos (the old ones), very small horses take children around the outside of the space, someone erects a small pace for children to work on drawings or paintings, and on occasion the municipality erects a stage for very good guitar players or singers.

There are of course special occasions. For day of the dead and for three kings day the plaza fills with vendors, political disputes may be played out by buses blocking all traffic around the plaza (if not the entire town), there is a performance of the Christmas story followed by the breaking of piñatas. At Easter a large representation of the sorrow of Mary is centrally displayed and the procession of silence winds around the square. Funeral processions may go through the plaza and wedding cars announce to the village a change in life for two people, carnival dancers use the space as do dancers honouring the anniversary of the last king of the indigenous empire, wreathes are placed around the main fountain on the anniversary of the Bishop honoured here. Parades for the first day of spring, or celebrating the day of the revolution, or independence day, or flag day or almost any other event, all take place here.

All of this activity appears to go on without dispute or intervention by the police. There also appears to be little vandalism. Spending time in the plaza almost always leaves you with a sense of peace and belonging and a strong desire to return again just to sit and watch.

There are other plazas in the village and if you want to have your shoes shined, buy a paper or magazine, sit and talk to the people of even smaller villages, buy (and eat) a wide variety of foods, purchase a pirated movie, have a shrimp cocktail or sit in the evening for a good meal of plaza chicken, then go to the small plaza

TRADITIONAL DANCE AS A STUDY IN CONTRASTS

Having visited Tzintzuntzan for the fiesta del Senor Rescate at least three times I was excited to discover Brandes’ book of 1988 on fiestas and social control in Mexico. He has done field work in Tzintzuntzan for many years and this pueblo was the focus of his analysis. What had previously seemed like a Pastorela gone bad now began to make some sense to me. So a few weeks ago I returned to the pueblo to watch La Danza to see if I could find the elements he described or to see what might have changed over 30 years.

The dance was revived in 1974 and the work by Brandes comes from observations in 1977 so much may have changed. It does have some of the elements of the Pastorlea common throughout the state but there are elements that make it unique to Tzintzuntzan. There are about 100 dancers with a few specific roles. There are two to three angels all played by young girls, about 60 cristianos who dress in long white dresses, wear a long red cape with religious symbols embroidered on them. Four of these dancers are leaders who appear at the heads of the lines and have slightly differently costumes. Brandes reported that two were women and two were men but on this occasion they were all women distinguished by a high collar trimmed in fur on their capes. Then there are at least two devils who may or not be in red and at least two death figures. Finally there are an unlimited number of others in black capes and wearing monster masks. Have no fear however as the monsters and devils usually have religious symbols on their backs as well. All of this is consistent with Brandes.

The cristianos begin the dances by moving in quite well organized lines, at times going in circles and then doubling back, sometimes holding hands as they move down the centre of the field and other times appearing to weave in and out of their own lines. Brandes explains that they also make lines to form a cross and at other times weave to illustrate the symbol of the snake (a representation of evil). This part was not obvious to me but the field was so crowded, and much dust was rising, that it may have just been impossible to recognize the patterns. While this is going on the “others” danced in a very disorganized fashion around the outside of the lines formed by the cristianos and at times getting in their way. There appeared to be little interaction with the organized lines but they did interact with the audience. The younger dancers would occasionally grab a young member of the audience and try to pull them into the group or they would push a snake in their face or offer them something that looked like an attractive gift but was dangerous. Frequently these dancers would then briefly remove their mask to reveal their identity to a friend. All of the non-humans avoided human speech and only expressed themselves in shrieks. What I did not see, but which Brandes makes much of, were examples of rude behavour or even of forbidden behaviours. There were no signs of homosexual gestures or gestures of sexual intercourse. No intimations of toilet behaviour or of using their swords or scythes as symbols of the phallus. The other significant difference was that all the masks were now made of plastic while in the past the majority had been of wood.

In spite of these missing elements one could see indications of ways in which the dance reinforced cultural ideals and displayed what could be seen as the ideal behaviour. The ideal dancers for example, were organized and danced in a coordinated way while the others danced in a chaotic fashion. All of the devils, death figures and the monsters were men which says a great deal about expectations. The fact that the “troublemakers” are all boys and men may say to boys and men that the society understands their true nature but also informs them that this day is the only time this behaviour will be tolerated. It also shows that the things people fear the most – death, evil and aggression can be looked at squarely and laughed at for one day at least.

In all, however, one can see a dance of contrast: Christians and non-Christians, humans and non-human, order and disorder, culture and nature, light and dark. All of this is given religious approval on the previous night when all of the dancers walk in procession with people of the town carrying their religious image (here call the “coronitas” ) through the street and enter the church for mass before performing the dance for the first time during the fiesta.

One thing I did notice which seemed to challenge the underlying assumptions was that at least one of the cristianos, who are supposed to be unmarried women and men, was carrying her baby. Another young women had a stud in her lower lip, a sign of a wider culture creeping into the pueblo.

If you want to see more photos from this and other dances go to: flickr.com/photos/okeover

MYSTERY IN A MEXICAN VILLAGE

Stand still! Listen to the church bells. The funeral procession approaching. The fireworks announcing the beginning of a celebration. The sound of the band as a carnival procession approaches your street. Sometime I think I hear something invisible, something I can almost see. Perhaps the spirit, or what others have called the collective conscience or the ties of community bonds.

This invisible something becomes most powerful during certain celebratory events with great community participation. Events such as the celebration of Easter. As a non-Catholics I do not appreciate the religious symbolism and as a member of a secular, individualistic culture I do not fully grasp what is happening. But I do feel emotion rising in my chest as I follow along as a non-member. Following the Palm Sunday celebration with Jesus retaking the walk into the city of Jerusalem followed by his disciples, angels, incense burners and a large group of believers waving palm boughs, one senses a ritual being reenacted for yet another time and probably with many of the same community members involved. Then entering the church to see a full church standing, waving their palm boughs and repeating: Christ is King”, even the non-believer experiences something. What is this?
Observing the story of Jesus’ betrayal, the trial and then sentence by Pilot, the whipping and then the procession to Calvary, again one senses the importance of ritual and not a tourist performance. The actors are all local people and yet the performance is professional, the costumes believable even if you look closely and see the Roman helmets include old broom heads painted gold, the actors give no hint of over acting or of signaling that they feel foolish or are just playing. Then as you watch the procession proceeding with Jesus carrying a large cross and stopping at some of the ‘stations’ one begins to sense the enormity of the undertaking and the emotional power of ritual. Watching the three crosses being raised with Jesus bearing his crown of thorns one again has a strong sense of something mysterious just about to be revealed. But what is it?

During the procession of silence this invisible something again pulls at you. The procession begins as night is about to fall and among other things includes a large image of Jesus carrying the cross or on the cross and a large image of the grieving Mary. The participants in the procession also include young people carrying many of the ritual items – the hammer and nails used for the crucifixion, the dice and vinegar, the crown of thorns, white linens to wrap the body – a group of angels, many groups in barefeet and covering their heads in pointed hats with only holes for their eyes, and a drummer who beats out a mournful sound throughout the procession. Most are dressed in black and carry red candle lights. As the procession winds through the town everything appears to go quiet except for the haunting sound of the drum. On one block on a residential street, every household has adorned the street with pine needles, erected alters, decorated the sidewalks with bows and colorful hoop holding candles. What is it that is in the air? What do I feel?
The resurrection procession is quite different as it now includes a large image of Jesus rising from his burial place and an image of the local Virgin. The music on this occasion is happy and the procession is accompanied by the lighting of colourful fireworks as the group passes each church along the route. The procession culminates in a large outdoor mass and then the ritualistic blowing up of Judas (and perhaps a local politician or two). These last events appear to alleviate the burden of the past three days as people hold their ears during the Judas blasts and dodge the sparkling “foot chasers” let off from the fireworks attached to Judas.
One is drawn to all of these events in part by the spectacle itself but more importantly by the strong representation of collective emotion and community solidarity in paying for and supporting these events. It is the ritual that is important and not the spectacle. The ritual appears to tie people to their community, to their beliefs, and uses emotion to give a sense of identity and belonging. It reminds us of what has been lost in more secular countries where our attempts at widespread participation is turned into a commercial events and the police are required to deal with the drunks. We come away from secular events remembering only the spectacle and not feeling a strong attachment to the community or our neighbors.

THE VIRGIN APPEARS

December 8, crowds gather inside and outside of the Basilica in anticipation of the appearance of the Virgin of Salud, the Virgin unique to Patzcuaro, Michoacan and responsible for a great deal of religious tourism The celebration coincides with the annual appearance of the fair, a collection of about 20 midway rides, games of chance, auctioneers flogging mounds of plastic household goods, and the aroma of many food stalls lining the streets. All of this is within a few yards of the Basilica, the site of the appearance. (In 2009 the feria was moved close to the edge of town.)

As the time passes those on the outside of the building stand on tiptoes, straining to see inside to determine if the Virgin has begun her slow walk among the crowds inside. Lovers press against the side of the Basilica, young granddaughter guide their grandmothers unaccustomed to the life of the city, fathers hoist their children to their shoulders, the screams of young girls and boys rise from the nearby rides and the relentless sound of explosions from the fireworks announcing the impending appearance of the Virgin fill the ears. The patience of the old mix with the exuberance of the young to create an atmosphere of anticipation. With some frequency eruptions of gunpowder drown out the noise from the secular fiesta surrounding the church. As if there is not entertainment enough, a twenty piece brass band plays in the corner of the courtyard and those so moved dance a few steps while their children run noisily and climb the bell tower of the church, shouting down their progress.

A sudden explosion of noisy fireworks rising over our heads signals that perhaps the time is near. Then, as if on cue, candles float from the Basilica followed by the Virgin being held aloft by ten believers and followed by a small coterie of priests in white. She makes her way slowly, the crowds gradually giving way to her movement and those close enough touch her garments; those gathered do not shout her name, but clap softly as she passes. The Virgin is about 500 hundred years old, made of cane paste with a technique used by the Tarascan peoples for many more years. She stands about 5 feet tall, a luxurious blue robe covering a long white dress; a crown depicts her status of Queen, an honour bestowed by the Pope about 100 years ago.

If you are lucky enough to be in Patzcuaro on the occasional year when the Virgin actually takes to the street, going much beyond the courtyard, you will experience two or three hours of religious fervour. Major streets are decorated in pine needles, rows of candles and then gladiolas are placed down the centre. The Virgin is preceded by constant fireworks and the procession is led by religious leaders, a small group of musicians. and a growing group of pilgrims. As She appears the gathered crowd cheers and shouts “long live the Queen of Mexico”, long live our heritage” and then some join the procession picking up the candles as they proceed. The procession visits the 5 or 6 churches in the historical centre where a series of prayers are made and a new group of believers takes on the task of carrying the prize. The procession returns to the Basilica making its way through the secular crowd and arriving to a great display of firework exploding over the church.

After this excitement one can just catch their breath before the festival of Guadalupe (that’s the other Virgin) on December 12.