NOTES ON A RELGIOUS FESTIVAL - PART I

This post (the first of three) attempts to describe and give my impressions of the Fiesta for Nuestra Senora de la Salud in Pátzcuaro. This Virgin is unique to this town (having been made Patrona de Pátzcuaro in 1737 and having a coronation in 1899, making her a Queen) and her day, December 8, is perhaps the biggest day in the calendar of the pueblo. The most fascinating event is the mass held for the indigenous people of the region. On entering the Basilica one is presented with a series of stain glass windows around the upper reaches of the church depicting the history of this virgin. The story begins with the indigenous people, their encounter with the Spaniards and then the arrival of the Catholic church represented by Don Vasco, a local hero. Then we see Salud crowned by the Pope and witnessed by the King of Spain. So the indigenous people are depicted as having a long and positive relationship with the church.

Mass is given in the Purépecha language and the indigenous people play a very large part, giving the event its memorable texture and feeling. Their typical brass band provides the music, women read the scriptures and most of the singing is in the almost falsetto voice of the indigenous men and women. Only a few of the elements of the day are described here and my interpretations may be very wrong.

Facing the alter were 8 Moor dancers (la danza de los Moros), standing for the entire mass. Their dance attire is very special with blue capes and white hats on the women and white capes with blue hats on the men. The hats are not very common anymore, looking like three small stacked pillows in rich fabric adorned with beads, feathers and silver fish. The women’s capes were covered in gold stars and their aprons with flower-like shiny objects and three discreet bows. The men have colorful leggings and boots with substantial spurs. The Moors are always present for the celebration of patron saints and this would explain their presences at this mass. The Moors represent the Catholic victory over infidels, (and perhaps in a more general sense, the world), meaning the Muslims, and their conversion to Christianity. The Spanish Inquisition emerged because this conversion was often temporary or feigned. Nevertheless, the Moors standing in the church represent this conversion and in a more direct sense the conversion of the indigenous peoples of Mexico.

At one point the priest goes to the front door and invites in a small procession of men and women. The men are blowing the conch shell and the women carrying a rather large platform bearing a book. I was not sure what the book was, perhaps the Book of Luke. The priest received this book, holding it high for all to see, opening to a page with an image which he kissed. Passages were then read from this book.

The priest then approached the front door again and invited in a group of 60 women, dressed in traditional clothing and wearing or carrying the distinctive shawl of the area, bearing baskets of food as offerings. They were led by men blowing the conch and a woman carrying a traditional container with smoking copal. The women danced down the central aisle, up to the alter where they handed their gifts to the priest who kissed each offering and passed it to another priest to place around the alter. The copal burner was then held high by the priest and he walked around the alter with it before leaving it to distribute its magnificent aroma. The Moors who had left quietly to join this procession, then resumed their central place. Were they in this act making an offering of themselves, showing their submission to God and the church?

While all of this was going on a group of about 10 concheros (representing the prehispanic people) were dancing outside the doors. They too, however, were dancing before an image of the virgin in a chair with baby Jesus as well as another image of Guadalupe. At the end of the mass the Moors gave a presentation of their historic dance. This dance was followed by a group of Purépecha women in colourful traditional clothing doing a dance of the torito, a small and colourful bull held over the head of one of the dancers. (Apparently the torito was the indigenous way of making fun of the Spaniards and their bulls. But they clearly weren’t making fun of the Spanish Christians. I think there are other ways to interpret some of this dance which I will try to talk about later). At the same time Los Mojigangas (15 feet tall giants) were doing their dance and passing the hat. In another corner of the church yard the viejitos (old men) were dancing. This historic dance too was a way of teasing the walking and posture of the older Spanish, perhaps even the priests. So we have this lovely mixture of teasing and subservience. An interesting display of the power structure of the community and perhaps the nation. In the next two posts I will comments on this events and its relationship to the power structures of the town and then on its religious significance.

DANCING AT THE ALTAR

After a short while in Mexico it is hard to believe there was a time when the Catholic church prohibited dancing in the church grounds or even the grave yard. In fact, according to Barbara Ehrenreich (2007), there were many attempts to stop festival dancing in the event that it might lead to an uprising. The Spaniards also did this when they arrived in Mexico to find a strong tradition of ritual dancing and mask wearing. So it was with some surprise that I saw private dancing in the church. We were exploring the large and beautiful church in Nuevo San Juan, Michoacan, when an older couple began doing a simple dance step towards the alter. They took a couple of steps forward and one backwards and were doing a version of the step familiar to most Mexicans. They were then followed by a young man carrying a child doing the same dance.

What was this about? Ralph Beals, in his 1940 anthropological description of Cheran, Michoacan, (not far from Nuevo San Juan) gives us some answers. He reports that a great many Tarascans (Purepechas) have a strong belief in the miraculous powers of the Christ image in San Juan Parangaricutiro (a town destroyed by a volcano in the 1940s and relocated as the village of Nuevo San Juan). Associated with this belief was the ritual of dancing at least part way to the church upon entering the town to make pilgrimage. (Usually around September 14). If one laughed at those dancing they risked becoming paralyzed and then must dance to become cured. Others danced within the church or in front of the alter and this ritual was thought to cure illness.

I think it is clear that it is a version of this previous belief system and ritual that was witnessed in 2009. If anyone knows how extensive this practice remains it would be great to hear from you.

PS. It should be said that other forms of ritual dancing in the church are not uncommon. I have witnessed the Moors entering the church with their band, being blessed by the priest and then dancing. On another occasion the viejitos did the same thing and on another the viejitos and the Moors entered the church and remained in the centre aisle through the service and then danced outside. Indeed the Moors almost always enter the church to experience the mass and then go through the church at the end of the dance (to symbolize their conversion in my belief). Even the Mojigangas (giant figures of about 15 feet) have been seen dancing in the Basilica. We have also seen the Curpites, joined by their band, dance in front of the altar.

LOS CABALLITOS DE CUANAJO

Having observed events of the day of dead in Pátzcuaro for four years and each time am so overwhelmed by the richness and complexity of the week that I have not known what to say. This year we attended a small event that needs to be described. This was the caballitos of Cuanjo, an event we had no idea of what to expect.  Arriving in the village we asked where the caballitos where and everyone knew and pointed us down one of two streets. Not knowing how we would know if we found the house it became obvious when we saw the flowers surrounding the door. We where encouraged to go into the house while some family members continued to onload refreshments and other goods. On entering the house it became clear what we had stumbled into. A baby had died during the year and before us stood the first ofrenda for the child. I am assuming that the child had not yet gone to "heaven" as she had died young, so this was an important part of the cycle of transition for the baby and the family.

The ofrenda had many of the elements of others in the region. A tall display of wild flowers surrounded an image of the virgin of nativity and on the lower table-like structure was a photo of the baby surrounded by fresh fruit. The room we had entered had a dirt floor and open walls and the ofrenda was surrounded by wooden planks on which family members would spend the night. The distinctive feature of this ofrenda, and where it derives it name, where the nine little wooden horses (caballitos) in front of the ofrenda looking towards the viewer. These each stood about 15 inches high and their legs formed a trestle on which where hung food items (squash, corn, apples, oranges, bread) and more wild flowers. Each also had a burning candle and the horse on the left carried a wooden cross. When asked the family member attending to our querries said the horses where to carry the items to the next life. The baby was now going to heaven and would feel at home.
While I am an outsider to this it seemed to me that in other ofrendas the spirit of the dead is thought to return on November 2 and the ofrenda is there for the spirit, the candles to act as a guide, and the family spend the night to be with the ancestor. The loved one is not gone for ever but just resides in a different state and place and returns once a year. For the child, however, the day was one of transition, a transition to that other form and place of life. The child would be expected to return the next year and the usual ofrenda would be constructed in the home and the cemetery.
This was a moving experience partly because of the clear objectification of beliefs.

Here is another example of the "little horse" from Santa Fe da la Languna. the tradition came from Cuanajo probably through intermarriage.  The tradition of Santa Fe is to use what I call small spirit houses for dead children (you can just see the corner of one on the same grave).  You can clearly see the horse on the grave and loaded with flowers and gifts of food.

NO JOY IN THIS PARADE!

Palm Sunday is a day for the expression of joy: Jesus was being declared King as he entered Jerusalem. Not until Easter Sunday and the celebration of the resurrection is there such joy. People are happy, smiling and glad to be with their neighbors. When the congregation enters the church people wave their palms and shout “Christ is King”. Things appeared to be quite different in Tingambato.

Upon arrival we saw people rushing to get into the procession so followed along to capture the procession. Everyone carried beautiful palms: tall, intricately woven and laced with flowers to give a stunning appearance. Although there were easily 400 people in the procession, there was no sense of joy. The only music was an accordion following Jesus, his disciples and the local priest, and it was playing a dirge. People were not smiling, which is unusual, and they appeared to want to get it over with.

As an outsider there was no way to figure out what was going on but a friend asked where he could purchase a palm since there was no appearance of local makers on the streets. One could not purchase a palm as they had been distributed by the government! Is there a connection between this gift and the lack of joy? Did people need to be encouraged to attend? Was the priest struggling to fill the church? This day was also the opening of the annual geranium festival so perhaps organizers wanted an impressive event for visitors!

Whatever the explanation, the event left me puzzled.

SAN JOSE AND MASCULINITY

The month of March is the time to celebrate San Jose (Joseph), the husband of Mary and thus the (social) father of Jesus. He is saint of carpentry and shake making, among other things, but he is honored primarily for his role as father. After all he agreed to marry Mary in her time of need (being an unmarried mother was not a great alternative in that time) and raised the son of God.

My speculation began while watching a small procession carrying an image of Jose and I noticed he held a small child in his arms. What struck me was the absence of men in the procession: All but one of the main participants were women (not counting the band). The same procession was held the next day and these participants took Jose into the Basilica. Again most of the were girls and small children, again I asked myself: where are the men? (I believe that this procession came from a small P’urepecha pueblo and thus is not representative of Mexico.)

The role of men, and the acquisition of a successful male identity are difficult in many societies. But in Mexico it is thought by many that this struggle to figure out a male identity results in El Macho – the macho man. This identity leads to hiding of the intimate self and the display of an aggressive attitude in the family and in public. If we accept that this is so, then the question becomes one of finding the pathways to this identity. Nelson (1971) in her study of a mestizo pueblo in Michoacan, focuses on the role of the family – the absent and closed father and the over protective mother who evokes guilt as a way to get some of her own needs meet. While sons may go to extremes to protect their mother, she does not become a role model for her son (and this is probably so in many societies). In a Catholic society the holy family is depicted as the ideal family. Mary is indeed the ideal mother – looking out for her son and attending to many of the functions of mother and home operative. She also has the characteristics of being attentive, showing mercy, interceding with the father, patience, loving and so on. (NOTE: for more on the characteristics of Mary review the insiders guide: The Complete Idiot’s Guide to Mary (2006).

But what does Jose represent for young boys? According to Nelson (pp. 71-73) many see him as the cuckold. And if Mary really was the perpetual virgin, what does this say about Jose? Who wants to be someone who dies on a cross, and does this for others? He stood up for others but never stood up for himself. Many of these characteristics sound effeminate to young boys. In addition he is presented as the diligent breadwinner and in a land of scarcity and diminished opportunities for the large numbers of children entering the world, this model is bound to lead to stress. In modern societies with the great number of single parent families, blended families, families with adopted children, and strains leading to divorce, Jose is felt to be more important then ever. However, he may not speak very directly to young men. (For more on Joseph see: Saint Joseph: His Life and Role in the Church Today by L.B. Perrotta.) Joseph’s story may have a different significance for older men as they are more acutely aware of the problems of their families arising from the large numbers of young men residing in the USA and promising to return one day. This profound decline in the numbers of young men in many communities has transformed the structure of the family.

The week prior to Semana Santa is set aside to sympathize with Mary for the loss of her son and to honour her. I wandered into a church during a mass in which gifts were brought to Mary and was quite surprised by the gifts: mops, brooms, dustpans and cleaning fluids. This left me wondering what would be brought for Jose!

There are cultural rules around gift giving in all societies. In rural Mexico it is women one sees most often presenting gifts and they draw on their strengths by presenting gifts of food. Men, however, have a long history of giving ritual gifts of alcohol, not really suitable for giving to the saints. The giving of alcohol raises many questions about its origin and about consequences for the culture. A topic for another time.

PS The photo above is not of the San Jose event but from another event in which women make offerings Mary.

IMAGES OF CHRIST

Good Friday is almost past, but not without the procession of images of Christ. Two things struck me on observing this event once again. The first is to be reminded of how easily those in the secular West dismiss Christianity (and perhaps all religions). Second, and related, is the importance of this event.

Let’s begin with a brief description. The procession is scheduled to begin at 7:00PM but everyone knows it won’t begin until dusk. Nevertheless, the center of town is virtually shut down from about 6:300 – about 10 square blocks of this pueblo. As vehicles have been removed, people take to the streets, some taking up their positions along the curbs, others just walking perhaps looking for a better viewing place. By the time the procession begins there must be 1,000 (or perhaps 2,000) on the streets. One has the feeling the entire town has turned out for this annual event. The procession begins with the mandatory truck with four police officers with machine guns at the ready and then the Bishop protected by a canopy held by four men (and perhaps the guns) and then a lovely image of Mary (revealing again her importance as the mother of Christ). The main procession consists of a Christ image from every church in town, some very large images taking 8 men to carry and others no more than 15 inches high. One or two images are of Christ in his glass tomb (which fascinates the young children) and others carried on a mat or in a supine position on the cross. Many of the walkers carry candles to suggest that the life of Christ will live on after his death earlier in the day. The procession takes about 30 minutes to pass: There is no band (which is very unusual) and the entire crowd is silent.

Why do people come? Clearly they do not come to see the latest image as little has changed over the years. It is not novelty that brings them out, but the predictable. If we rely on Brandes (1988) analysis we note that there are no masks, suggesting that the main participants are not playing a social role in which individual identity is lost. On this occasion people are truly playing themselves, as are the crowd. We are all participating in collective ritual in which we must see and be seen. We all remind ourselves of our membership (the writer and probably many other westerners present can be excluded from this claim) and this reminder binds members together and provides a collective identity. In a Catholic country this identity is reinforced several times throughout the year, but the events of these few days restate the importance of that membership and provides emotional attachment and feeling of importance. The events of these days make public the very foundations of the group – a belief in Christ, in the story of his crucifixion and resurrection.

By coincidence I read a story in Canada’s national newspaper reporting the dismay of professors of English literature at the growing unawareness of the story of Christianity among their students. This unawareness prevents them from understanding the metaphors, phrases and persons from the Bible that have shaped much of the literature of the West. Some students fail to understand why their professor is frequently talking about Christianity and perhaps see this as bias. However, this story, which has been around for 2000 years (perhaps the only longer surviving story is that of the Jews) has penetrated much of our language and story telling. Perhaps this is part of my dismay at the ease with which the secular west dismisses Christianity. If this same story were encountered while traveling in the darkest (if any such place still exists) of the Amazon, we would marvel and go out of our way to learn more. Now students would rather take a course in the history of rock music than read the Bible or listen to analysis of this old story.

RITUAL PERFORMANCE IN TZINTZUNTZAN

I arrived in Tzintzuntzan around 9:00 AM on Holy Thursday in order to see the spies (espias) on their horses. I really did not know what to expect as I had not heard anyone speak of this event. I positioned myself at an intersection behind the church and waited. I soon saw a large number of men on horses go through an intersection three blocks away, so knew they were approaching. These riders begin around 9:00am and go systematically through every street in the pueblo, repeating the journey three times. When they approached me I was astounded by the spectacle. There were at least 60 riders on attractive horses and dressed in coordinated colours. They wore red satin hats which covered their face with the exception of a slit, outlined in green, for the eyes. The hat was some what like a bag tied at the top with a yellow or green ribbon. They all wore a tunic which came part way down the legs. The tunics were made of a silk like fabric in colours of gold, red or purple. Some of the tunics were decorated with small white, black or red bows (similar to what is worn in Canada for Aids awareness days or various women’s causes). Some of the men also had a gold breast plate. The pants were white cotton although mostly covered by long red stockings, and their feet were covered with sandals, some with laces going part way up the leg. They then had a coordinated cape that flowed over the back of the horse. They all rode bareback. What a sight.

They entered the olive tree filled atrium of the church and spread out the width of the yard. They stopped every 50 feet and some of the riders appeared to whistle with their hands or using a small clay whistle. As one man’s sound faded the next would repeat the sound, and so on. It was a sight right out of a movie or from a previous life.

So, what was this about? Foster (1945) and Brandes (1988) tell us that this event has been going on for as long as anyone can remember. People claimed the spies were originally to watch for people working on Holy Wednesday or Holy Thursday. They had the right to impound the tools of the worker who must pay a fine to have them returned. It was clearly no longer about this as many people were working – a group of people were sweeping the entire church yard and others were building the stage for the performance of the passion play. So it appears to be entirely performance with the entire pueblo as the set. Brandes suggests that the performance continues because it brings prestige to the community and it was clear that the community was expecting large crowds on Good Friday. I was not aware of tourists but many people had cameras.

The performance has become more elaborate with the passing of time. Foster describes the riders in 1945 wearing silk dresses borrowed from their mothers and having a red felt hat covering the face. Brandes describes the event from 1981 and saw the same hats but the dresses had been replaced with white cotton shirts and pants. In 2009, I saw the beautiful performance described briefly above. What was at one time a functional ritual has evolved into an entirely ritual performance.

To complicate this story there is another dimension. Before going to this event a friend reported that the riders were Jews looking for Jesus (since he was a Jew I hoped he was joking since this would stir-up the controversy between Christians and Jews). Later another friend reported that a tour guide told him the riders were looking for Jesus. Since the costumes do seem to have changed quite dramatically from those described by Foster and Brandes could it be that the community has created a new role for the riders and made the costumes look much more like Roman riders in order to fit the story?

As a small aside: On one street a family erected an alter with a manequin dressed as a spy along with a photo of the dead family member. The riders stopped to this alter and blew their whistles. Of note is that the dead rider was shown in the clothing of a slightly earlier time period. While much of the costume was familiar it was not identical to those on the street today.