FRAGMENTS: COCUCHO, BODAS,

This and other post with this title are an attempt to simply capture a moment which will perhaps fall into a larger picture in the future, or perhaps not.

#1 During a fiesta for the Virgin of Immaculate Conception in Cocucho two things struck me. First, while watching a group of viejito dancers in a vigorous performance I noticed a teenage girl holding what looked like a Barbie doll. I concluded it was really an image of the Virgin and began to pay more attention to the crowds on the street. Indeed, many people had these small Virgins and young girls often compared their images, perhaps commenting on the way they were dressed. On occasion a man was seen carrying a larger image. There were countless images on the streets. Later on entering the church we found the pews all pushed to the sides. A moment later we heard the band approaching and the viejito dancers entered following an image of the Virgin and an incense burner. After vigorous dancing they left the church and it became apparent that many people were gathered at the front of the church where they appeared to be praying or touching a large image of the Virgin. Those that did received a gladiola flower. Some recipients then took part of the flower and ran it over the image, others tied their flowers to a stick and lifted it high to pass it over the glass protecting a painting of the Virgin, some ran their own image of the Virgin over the larger image and others just touched the images. A stranger approached us to tell her story. She had been badly injured in an accident and it was thought she wold not walk again. She prayed to this particular image (she said you have to also have faith) and indeed here she was walking into the church. She no longer lives locally but makes an effort to return to the church to pray and say thank you.

#2 A second fragment is perhaps related. We entered a village to find a main street blocked and tables being set up. We learned a wedding celebration was in the making and in talking to a friend who lived next door we were told something of the local traditions. One part of this tradition that struck me was the practice of “bendición” (the blessing). This portion happened the day before the wedding when the bride and groom could be found at home kneeling on a straw mat.
Their parents and godparents (and presumably others) enter the home and there make the sign of the cross on the forehead of the new couple. What was this about? Was it just the community acknowledging the new family being formed? In a very real sense giving their blessing to the union. Was it the community making it clear to the couple that what they were doing was before the eyes of God? Was it just a blessing (our way of saying good luck)? An unrelated part of the tradition was that on the morning after the fiesta which was about to begin the new couple was obliged to rise very early and make fresh atole (a local corn based hot drink ) and deliver it to their parents and godparents since it was assumed they may have had too much to drink and needed this assistance in starting their day.

#3 And a third fragment, also a wedding ritual. After the wedding the young couple are required to stand on chairs while their friends gently attempt to knock them off the chair. The two have to try and save the other from falling since it is believed that if they fall the marriage will not last. Perhaps a good metaphor for an enduring union.

SEEING COMMUNITY

Community! What is it? As a sociologist I have talked about community all my adult life having realized that sociology is a long nostalgic essay on the loss of community. If sociology is correct, most of us have never experienced community in the strongest sense of the term. We do see flashes of community in times of disaster or personal tragedies but what must it have been like in a stronger and or more encompassing form? First a word or two about this difficult notion of community. For me it refers to a strong sense of solidarity among a non-family group, a sense of belonging, involvement and emotional connection. The capacity and willingness of people to not necessarily deny their individuality but to be able to make substantial contributions to the common good or the welfare of the group. In most western societies this contribution is made in a very impersonal fashion - we pay our taxes and hope or even demand that government take care of the marginalized, the sick and the poor and even to organize our entertainment. Increasingly we rely on the corporate sector to arrange for public events, pay for what we call democracy and so on. Community would be a much more personal involvement and commitment to these projects.

This is a prelude to my trying to understand our experience of attending a Mexican fiesta on Three Kings Day (Jan. 6). We arrived in the pueblo, a place that is not really very remote now having good highway access, but felt like another world, around 3:00 pm. The town has a different feel to it because of being surrounded by forest and mountains and the more traditional type of housing. Not exactly the traditional trojes but troje-like. The town is an access point to the newest volcano in the world (having emerged in a farmer’s field around 1935 and exploded in the mid-1940s devastating a community), so attracts a number of tourist, many of whom are invited to travel to their destination on horse-back. The church was very attractive in it’s Christmas finery and the yard had a number of nacimientos (manger scenes) around the wall each with one or more doll sized images of baby Jesus. Local dancers were beginning to appear from houses and people were congregating in the large church yard. Before long there were too many dancers to count, a substantial crowd, three kings on horses and a beautiful image of the baby Jesus seated in a chair was brought from the church.

The dancers were unlike anything we had seen before but it became clear that they were “kurpites” (fittingly in the local language this means coming together). (However, some carried viejito canes adding to my confusion.) What was distinctive about the dancers clothing was that they had up to 20 aprons tied quite high up on the body and going around the body. This gave the dancers the appearance of being quite fat. These aprons were hand-made with fine needlework probably by mothers, aunts, grandmothers, girl friends. The dancers carried their personal history on their backs. These were the Kurpites dancers and as well one or two wore masks of Mary (Marangillas) and of Jose (Joseph). The dancers wore a scarf just over the nose and a mask covered in beads, tinsel and ribbons, on the top of their heads. Many appeared to have new cowboy boots and all had bells on their ankles. There appeared to be a group of quite young dancers (some 4 or 5 years old) and then a group of older teenagers. After much waiting the procession began with all of the dancers, the horses, an image of the Virgin, the image of baby Jesus and well as all of the Jesus figures from the mangers and a substantial crowd. An incense burner was carried before Jesus and immediately after one or two people throwing confetti on the carriers. The procession proceeded around the community on a very cold night accompanied by the usual cojetes (rocket-like fireworks).

On arrival at the church we found women appearing from the side streets with large containers of pozole, baskets of tortillas, more baskets of tamales and countless bags of oranges. Before long the church-yard was filled with perhaps 800 people (perhaps the whole town). The ritual of giving gifts to the children began. Remarkably they lined up without pushing or fighting and the young ones waited to be given a gift from one of the trucks parked in the yard. Girls appeared to receive small Barbie-like dolls, very small ironing boards, small plastic chairs and the boys very small plastic wheel-barrows and balls. Eventually the organization broke down as the men in the truck began throwing gifts into the crowd. There were no signs of “brought to you be corporation x” and no sign of political types.

In the background food was being prepared with a table set for the elders of the community and I assume everyone who wished would be given access to food. We too could have participated having been told that what was expected was presentation of a gift of cigarettes or tequila to the chief elder. Although we had purchased the gift we left the community before food was consumed having decided there just wasn’t enough space for 4 gringos to navigate the crowd.

For me a sense of community was every where but most clearly in the amount of effort and money many family had contributed to make this event happen and have the marvelous appearance and feel it did. For example, if there were 100 dancers (and there may have been more) each with 20 aprons, this would amount to 2000 aprons! Who purchased the gifts for about 200 young people? Who prepared all the food (this may have involved grinding the corn, making masa, filling tomales, etc.? In a traditional community like this there may have been a carguero in charge of the image of Santo Niño who may have been selected because of his resources and he may have borrowed money from others or required people to contribute money to purchase supplies, pay for the band, and so on. In any event what we saw was the signs of community with little presence of the usual stage managers of public events in the West.

One final thought: all of the dancers were under the age of 18 so this would create a constant need for new dancers thus bringing in the next generation. As a result the majority of the adults would share something in common with these kids. All of the males would be bound together in some fashion by this common service to baby Jesus and to the community. Females would be bound together in a similar fashion through their service to organization, costume creation and food preparation. I doubt if opting out of attendance was an option: saying you were tired or had other commitments just wouldn’t wash. Community came first.

DRIVING ON NEW YEARS DAY

Our destination was a Michoacán Pueblo in order to watch a traditional dance but we took the slow road so as to maximize the number of small pueblos we passed through on route. We were not disappointed. In Pichátaro we arrived in time to watch a procession through the town with the baby Jesus. A number of small alters were set up throughout the town and the procession consisted of about 6 alter boys dressed in white and red carrying copal (incense) and candles, a large group of women with ribbons in their hair and lovely bouquets of flowers, two men carrying a beautiful image of baby Jesus seated in a chair (strangely, Jesus had an American 2$ bill pinned to his clothing) and in the centre a priest in white garments and ribbons. The alters consisted of pine boughs decorated with ornaments and shaped around a table, a large piece of fabric forming a backgrounds with at least one image of Guadalupe, a framed picture of Jesus as a small child and in front of the table four baskets of corn - black, red, yellow and white. Upon arrival the priest placed Jesus on the table and at each stop a few people (perhaps the family who had erected the alter) came forward to kiss the baby. The Priest then raised the chair high and turned to all four directions (at this point the men removed their hats) while the band again began to play and the group moved on to the next alter. January is a special month in the calendar for Jesus - the entire month is dedicated to him and he was also baptized in early January. Perhaps more important is the fact that in many communities the family, or families, who have taken on the task of caring for the image throughout the year, changes. Therefore the image changes hands and there is often a ritual associated with this. In some communities it is the special dancers of the community who take the image from the church on December 26 and return it to the custodian family and these dancers may also carry the image in a procession in early January from the home of one family to that of the new custodian. In this pueblo there were no dancers but perhaps the men carrying the image were the custodians and at the end of the day the image is turned over to the new custodian.

Back on the road and we note that many people are parked along the roads where small and large family groups have walked into the woods to have picnics, some having tied piñatas in the trees. In some locations, in what appeared to be park-like settings, hundreds of people had gathered. Into Sevina where a 3 day fiesta was underway with the usual small rides for children, markets, auctioneers and bands. The dance of the “black men” was to happen around 3:00 pm but our destination called and this would have to wait until next year. (More about this in a post titled "Black men of Sevina".) Into Chéran where we had been told at a Pemex that if we took a left turn just before the church we would find the Rancheros dancing through the streets. About to give up our search and feeling unsure of how to get back on the the road to our destination we stumbled upon the Rancheros - not dancing but moving from one location to the next. Again, no time to follow as the clock was ticking. Having asked for directions to ensure we were heading in the right direction we approached Capicuaro where we encountered large groups of dancers (viejitos, negritos and what could have been rancheros) walking along the highway, probably going to a dance location. Our destination was close and the time was rapidly approaching so again we noted this event in our calendar for a future year and continued on.

At last our desired pueblo of San Lorenzo approached and we found the church and having had a quick torta headed to athe square where people had begun to gather and a few dancers were standing in wait. We were about to see a spectacular event but more about this in a subsequent post.

BLACK MEN OF SEVINA

an subsequent post (titled, Driving on New Years Day)) I mentioned learning that the “black men” were to dance on January 1 in the puebla of Sevina. On January 3 we returned to Sevina to see a concurso of dance happening in late afternoon. We had not seen the black men before, although we had seen them a previous year but only from from a distance so knew nothing of their masks. That year we had seen a number of dancers on the way to the home of a carguero, dressed in dark suits (what we now know to be “catrin” outfits, that is citifed clothing) but what were the masks? Were they negritios? This was my expectation. What a surprise when I walked up a hill to the carguero’s house this year having seen a crowd gathering and hearing band music. The dancers were all in their dark suits, but the masks! They were conquistadores. The masks of the conquerors of Mexico. These masks show a very pale skin, bright blue eyes and a substantial golden beard. Their hats were spectacular, looking somewhat like a traditional marching band hat but with flower decorations and many silver adornments. Later I was able to talk to the mask maker of this town and learned two things: first, the conquistadores were the ones who took baby Jesus from the manger in the church on December 26 and returned it to the carguero of the image. This job is reserved for the most honored dancers and in many communities this is the negrito. The history of the negrito in Tarascan communities is very interesting and well documented by Janet Esser (1988). So why were these black men not negritos? I am a little unclear of this, but the mask maker claimed that in the early days the mask maker either could not carve black masks or they were not very well done. His speciality was the mask of the conqueror and commonsense determined that this would be the mask used. Although very good negrito masks are now carved by the chief carver, the masks of the conquistadores are still the more honorable masks.

The dance competition began around 5:00 pm and while the conquistadores were present the centre of attention was on approximately 80 other dancers with a wide variety of masks, many of them of feos (or the uglies). These dancers came on throughout the night in small groups with the only rule seeming to be that no one could speak. They had to rely on their acting ability to try and get into the character of the mask. One came to appreciate the talent needed to really communicate, over a long period of time, the personality implied by the mask the person ws wearing. Towards the end of the evening there was more of a performance and participation in the judging from the rather large audience gathered around the basketball court and on adjoining rooftops.

NOTES ON A RELIGIOUS FESTIVAL (PART III)

Now I need to try to say something about the religious aspect of a portion of this day. Margaret Visser has been my guide to a small extent (see her book The Geometry of Love). Visser shows that the Catholic church edifice is an intentional physical construct with something more than architectural delight or aesthetics in mind. It is built and designed to remind people of mystical experiences they have had in the past but have put aside or forgotten - those occasions in which we have felt some profound insight into our place in the world. She suggests these insights are similar to the insights of the mystics - the ability to feel or experience two things at the same time, to live for the moment within a contradiction of our world. To feel you are unique and individual and at the same time that you are identical to all others in the world and thus insignificant. Or to give a trivial example, to see that something is black and white at the same time - the opposites have been collapsed.

This is achieved, if the church is designed well and you are ready, through a few things inside the church. First, in a Catholic church, one is surrounded by a history of your culture and indeed by the transcendent history of your people. Second, it encourages self reflection through a physical walk or a walk with your eyes - you see the stations of the cross and reflect on how each of these might reflect on your story, you walk to the alter and walk through history and through your own life history even that part which is not yet complete. Most churches allow you to walk up behind the alter and in a sense make a full circle, always coming back to where you began - life is infinite. Third, there is a great deal of ritual involved which takes you out of your personal situation and, through cooperation with others, create an event that can give you a transcendent experience. I am I and yet I am you. Some of these ritual events are quite profound. In the case of interest here it is the procession of the Virgin of Salud from the church and through the streets of the town, an event which takes several hours and much anticipation.

A long mass begins the event and at the end of this the curtains are drawn on the Virgin. In a few moments the Virgin appears from behind the alter and the crowd erupts in applause and shouts of “long live the queen of Pátzcuaro”. She is then placed on a platform and six men slowly walk her down the aisle to the front door. Those outside the church can now see her coming and begin to clap and take pictures. When she moves through the doorway there is loud clapping and shouts. Some try to touch her garments as She goes by. The same feeling erupts along the crowd-filled streets and at the 6 alters set up through the town. In each alter the men take the Virgin up a step or two and turn her to face the crowd. The Bishop blesses the site and with singing and praise the crowd cheers and again shouts long live the Queen. When She returns to the church, now full of people and anticipation, the place erupts on her entry- the brass band plays, fireworks explode outside. She slowly return to her place and the curtains are again opened, again to more applause.

This is a ritual event with power. First you experience some solidarity with those around you and you are drawn into the experience. There is a moment of transcendence as you see at one and the same time that the image is just a very old piece of art work made from “pasta de caña”, it is physical and at the same time is divine. The first we can see but the second is something that we all create and feel. No one truly believes that this image is real in the sense of being alive and able to hear our shouts and touches. Rather, we are able to see two things at the same time, the mundane and the divine and they are one.

This written by one raised in the Protestant tradition thus unfamiliar with the glorification of images. However, as a sociologist, fascinated by rituals and the roles they play in ordinary lives.

NOTES ON A RELIGIOUS FESTIVAL (PART II)

I will now try to explore in a small way the the symbolism of the Moors and the danza de los Moros. On December 7, the day before the Fiesta de la Salud, a relatively new group of Moor dancers performed in front of the alter of the Basilica. This year the dance group consisted of 4 men and 4 women (las Moras), each group in slightly different costume. While it is interesting that women were performing in this dance (the first time I have seen this) they did not perform together but as two groups. The group was accompanied by their traditional band and four horses. They gathered outside the Basilica and when ready the priest came to the door, blessed everyone and welcomed them into the church. The female dancers and then the male dancers performed in front of the alter and before a reasonable crowd. The dancers were introduced by the priest and supported as carrying on an ancient tradition. I believe this tradition represents the indigenous acceptance of Christianity and subservience to the new God. I wonder if the dancers or the audience associate the dance with Muslims or infidels or if it has just become the traditional dance of the region in praise of God and church. What do Muslims think of this dance? The inquisition was applied primarily to Muslims and Jews and then the emerging Protestants. Does any of this enter the minds of those in the Basilica?
On completing the dance the male dancers mount their horses and with the women walking in front begin a parade through the pueblo, terminating at the presidencia (the office of the mayor and officialdom). Here they are greeted by the mayor and an array of bureaucrats. The organizer of the dance then offers a glass of tequila to the authorities, a traditional male gift giving. The dance is performed before the mayor and gathered crowd. Then the torito dancers perform and at one point the mayor and then bureaucrat are invited to perform, first as the bull and then the teaser.

I may be making too much of this but we have seen the indigenous peoples presenting themselves to and dancing for the two primary structures of power in the community - church and state. The church that surpressed their ancient religion and worked hard to bring them into the state sponsored religion of the Spanish. The state that seized their land and rather quickly transformed their way of life and challenged their historic structures of power. Most have been left in a marginal state and clinging to some traditional ways, having incorporated religious beliefs and events into their ancient traditions.

So what is the dance about? The criticisms of Cortes and even Christopher Columbus have been put aside for the day, and at the invitation of the church and the state, they show their subservience and at the same time display some of their unique cultural style and color.
See next post.

NOTES ON A RELGIOUS FESTIVAL - PART I

This post (the first of three) attempts to describe and give my impressions of the Fiesta for Nuestra Senora de la Salud in Pátzcuaro. This Virgin is unique to this town (having been made Patrona de Pátzcuaro in 1737 and having a coronation in 1899, making her a Queen) and her day, December 8, is perhaps the biggest day in the calendar of the pueblo. The most fascinating event is the mass held for the indigenous people of the region. On entering the Basilica one is presented with a series of stain glass windows around the upper reaches of the church depicting the history of this virgin. The story begins with the indigenous people, their encounter with the Spaniards and then the arrival of the Catholic church represented by Don Vasco, a local hero. Then we see Salud crowned by the Pope and witnessed by the King of Spain. So the indigenous people are depicted as having a long and positive relationship with the church.

Mass is given in the Purépecha language and the indigenous people play a very large part, giving the event its memorable texture and feeling. Their typical brass band provides the music, women read the scriptures and most of the singing is in the almost falsetto voice of the indigenous men and women. Only a few of the elements of the day are described here and my interpretations may be very wrong.

Facing the alter were 8 Moor dancers (la danza de los Moros), standing for the entire mass. Their dance attire is very special with blue capes and white hats on the women and white capes with blue hats on the men. The hats are not very common anymore, looking like three small stacked pillows in rich fabric adorned with beads, feathers and silver fish. The women’s capes were covered in gold stars and their aprons with flower-like shiny objects and three discreet bows. The men have colorful leggings and boots with substantial spurs. The Moors are always present for the celebration of patron saints and this would explain their presences at this mass. The Moors represent the Catholic victory over infidels, (and perhaps in a more general sense, the world), meaning the Muslims, and their conversion to Christianity. The Spanish Inquisition emerged because this conversion was often temporary or feigned. Nevertheless, the Moors standing in the church represent this conversion and in a more direct sense the conversion of the indigenous peoples of Mexico.

At one point the priest goes to the front door and invites in a small procession of men and women. The men are blowing the conch shell and the women carrying a rather large platform bearing a book. I was not sure what the book was, perhaps the Book of Luke. The priest received this book, holding it high for all to see, opening to a page with an image which he kissed. Passages were then read from this book.

The priest then approached the front door again and invited in a group of 60 women, dressed in traditional clothing and wearing or carrying the distinctive shawl of the area, bearing baskets of food as offerings. They were led by men blowing the conch and a woman carrying a traditional container with smoking copal. The women danced down the central aisle, up to the alter where they handed their gifts to the priest who kissed each offering and passed it to another priest to place around the alter. The copal burner was then held high by the priest and he walked around the alter with it before leaving it to distribute its magnificent aroma. The Moors who had left quietly to join this procession, then resumed their central place. Were they in this act making an offering of themselves, showing their submission to God and the church?

While all of this was going on a group of about 10 concheros (representing the prehispanic people) were dancing outside the doors. They too, however, were dancing before an image of the virgin in a chair with baby Jesus as well as another image of Guadalupe. At the end of the mass the Moors gave a presentation of their historic dance. This dance was followed by a group of Purépecha women in colourful traditional clothing doing a dance of the torito, a small and colourful bull held over the head of one of the dancers. (Apparently the torito was the indigenous way of making fun of the Spaniards and their bulls. But they clearly weren’t making fun of the Spanish Christians. I think there are other ways to interpret some of this dance which I will try to talk about later). At the same time Los Mojigangas (15 feet tall giants) were doing their dance and passing the hat. In another corner of the church yard the viejitos (old men) were dancing. This historic dance too was a way of teasing the walking and posture of the older Spanish, perhaps even the priests. So we have this lovely mixture of teasing and subservience. An interesting display of the power structure of the community and perhaps the nation. In the next two posts I will comments on this events and its relationship to the power structures of the town and then on its religious significance.