LA BASILICA DE GUADALUPE - DEC. 12

Since first coming to Mexico many years ago we understood the importance of the Virgin of Guadalupe to the national psyche of Mexico and to daily life.  The story of her appearance in Mexico in about 1531 is fascinating and one finds depictions of this event every where.   Guadalupe of course was a brown Virgin (maronita - the dear brown one), specially created for Mexico to attract the indigenous population to Catholicism after the arrival of the Spanish. It wasn’t until after the first revolution that she caught on so to speak, but now she is every where - on coffee cups, clothing, banners of marching bands, taxis, school emblems, painted on walls, and there is an endless supply of inexpensive trinkets (like key chains) as well as much more expensive painting, carvings and so on.
In much of Mexico Guadalupe overshadows Jesus to a large extent.  She is often the central image and Jesus is relegated to a side alter and she is the one many people talk to in order to ask for advise or favours.   It is argued that as a woman Guadalupe is more approachable than Jesus and therefor is more sought out for placement in alters and in prayers.  She is a friend while Jesus is the master, or the Patron.  Note:  all of this of course creates issues for men. 
Her birthday (that is the day she appeared before Juan Diego) is celebrated on December  12 of each year.   The celebrations in her honour are not very extensive in Pátzcuaro as she is overshadowed by the importance of the Virgin of health, one of the religious drawing cards of the city and whose birthday occurs 4 days earlier.

This year we had the opportunity to be in Mexico City, the site of the very important Basilica of Guadalupe, the most visited Catholic site in the world.   The Basilica was built as requested by Guadalupe on the site of her appearance, with final renovation completed in about 1709. The basilica holds what is claimed to be the original garment that Juan Diego was wearing when Guadalupe appeared to him in Mexico, leaving her imprint on his clothing. (There is a lively debate and some scientific investigation about the authenticity of the image - was it painted in 1535 or was it a miraculous impression).  So, this is the most important gathering point for December 12 and according to reports between 1-2 million people pass through the Basilica that day and over the month of December up to 10 million people may enter the doors.  Off we go¡

As we join the line of pilgrims images of the Virgin abound.

Many chose to carry the Virgin on their back.

We make our approach to the blessed site.

How do I get this thing home?

We arrived in Mexico City late in the afternoon of December 11 and as we travelled we began to see pilgrims walking in the direction of the city and later the Basilica.  Many of these had large, framed portraits of Guadalupe strapped to their backs and other were carrying smaller images.  Our taxi driver indicated that people were striving to get to the Basilica before midnight to participate in mañanitas (the first mass).   Should we too head out that evening, or wait for morning?  Not knowing what to expect, we waited for morning.   This may have been a mistake.
In the morning we asked about getting to the Basilica and after discussion decided to take a taxi as it was 16 km from our hotel, and either have the driver return to pick us up or to wait for us.  Like so many Mexicans the driver was a lovely man, able to understand our broken Spanish and we able to understand him.  He decided to get as close to the Basilica as possible, about 7 blocks away, and walk with us.  We now had a tour guide as well as a driver; the event would not has been as fulfilling if he had not walked with us.  One approaches the Basilica by way of the Calzada de Guadalupe (Guadalupe’s walkway) and we found an endless line of people walking, carrying images on their backs, small ones in their hands and one man with an image that was larger than he.   Along the way we noticed people lined up to receive bottles of water and at other locations food - these were free to the pilgrims and gifts of citizens and neighbors to the Virgin.   There were also decorated trucks along the side and one assumes that they arrived filled with pilgrims.  Others decorated their push carts (their food stalls) and there were large trucks parked ready to pick up returning bicyclists.  We were soon able to see the old Basilica ahead and a large banner over the street welcoming the pilgrims.

As we entered the gates this was the sight with the old basilica directly ahead.  The new basilica is to the left (not visible here).  To the left is the chapel and ex-convent of the Capuchinas (Franciscan nuns).

We were astounded by the size of the complex.  Numerous building including the old Basilica (opened in 1536 but with many expansions and renovations), now a little unsteady on her feet after 300 years,  as well as the new Basilica which opened in 1976, designed to seat 10,000, as well as an atrium, or open space, which can seat 30,000 more people.  There are also chapels, a museum, an administrative office complex, gardens, a seminary and probably more.   As you enter the gates you first become aware of the dancers; 100s of Aztec dancers with banners showing their origin fill the open spaces and a 1000 or more people at any given time flow through and around the dancers.  In places we found tired pilgrims who had probably arrived the previous day, sitting or lying on the ground, looking a little worn out.

We first entered the new Basilica to find all of the seats full and 100s more standing and spilling out the door.  The building is so large that one could hardly distinguish the priests in front and one would need binoculars to see the  famous image of Guadalupe hanging behind the alter.  Our guide tried to get us behind the alter so we could see the image but it proved impossible.  As the mass progressed, the masses on a cue unrecognized by us, raised their images above their heads.   We then flowed among the dancers, following the crowds to other building and chapels.  What strikes one about the dancers is their use of feathers (1000s evident this day) and animals.  Some of these animal figures may hark back to traditional gods but it left me wondering if they are like totemic figures one sees among Northwest natives.  In any event, this would not be a good place for wildlife conservation supporters to be.

The new basilica in the background with one group of Aztec dancers performing for the Virgin.

What strikes one is the presence of many young men and women.  They were predominant on the walk and now in the Villa itself they were everywhere.  Coming from Canada one is accustomed to the religious being the old or new immigrants.  Here the young people seemed genuine and indeed appeared to be making a serious effort to to get to the Basilica and to  display their faith.  The dancers on the other hand seemed to represent the middle aged but they too were making a sacrifice if you imagine that they may have walked and then danced in the sun for a good portion of the day.   I was taken by one middle-aged dancers who, while part of his group, appeared to be in a trance-like state as he performed in an enormous feather headdress.  It is somewhat difficult to understand the desire of the dancers to attempt to hold on to their Aztec (or native) heritage and at the same time to pay homage to the religion of their conquerors.  I understand that some of the dancers do refer to the Virgin as a Nahuatl goddess (Tonantzin), using a name that may or may not be authentic, but in the end it is Guadalupe one sees on their banners.  One needs to know what the images are that exist in their heads (does Mary become Tonantzin?) and the narrative they provide to account for their own arrival at the Basilica.  However, this was not the day to explore these matters.    But, thinking back to my last post where I referred to a rain dance, I again began to think that what one sees in native dances and fiestas is not a fusion of Spanish or Catholic values and ritual with those of the natives.  But, it makes as much sense to see that the natives have just wrapped their beliefs, rituals and gods in the blanket of the Spanish-Catholic conquerors.  It is an act of simple resistance to appear like one is a good Catholic while in fact the ancient is still primary;  going through the expected rituals provides a convenient cover but also a familiar way to express the ancient.

Dancers in front of the clock/bell tower.  (The new basilica at the back and the old basilica with yellow roof to the right.)

The dancers had many animal representations which looked to me like toteimc figures.  These animals give  hint as to the origin of the group.  These tiger may be from Guerro, others with deers heads may be from Nayarit, etc.

We  were moved by the display of faith and commitment and the magnitude of the exercise only added to the emotional punch of being a part of it all, even if  lapsed Protestants and observers.  Collective display of faith always turn me to mush and this day was no different.

As you leave the grounds one returns the real world of commercialism and a Disney like atmosphere.   Everyone is forced to go through a vast market selling religious “stuff” (trinkets, crosses, images of Christ and of Guadalupe, cups, key chains; indeed there was so much stuff it became absurd.  Before exiting you can also take a side alley to have your photo taken with a fake backdrop of a religious setting or the kids can have their photos taken on a horse with Guadalupe in the background.  But then you enter the world of the faithful again; you return to the walkway you came on and pass the endless stream of people still to enter the grounds.

Next year we will go to the Basilica on the 11th.  Needing to make my necessary reference to Max Harris, he gives a interesting account of his day at the Basilica, but it is only now that I realize he was there on the 11th and through the night.  I was taken by his account of the variety of dancers in the atrium.  As noted above we only saw the Aztec dancers and one wonders if the authorities haven’t intervened to separate the groups since, if we accept Harris, the Aztec dancers dominated the space and drummed out the others.  Next year we can answer this.

PS   I now realize I may have used some term incorrectly and should have been clearer to distinguish Conchero dancer from Mexica (Aztec) dancers.  If you want to explore this further I recommend reading Susanna Rostas' book   Carrying he Word: Conchero Dancers in Mexico City.

LEARNING THE CORRIDA

I attended my second bullfight, in the Spanish world known as corrida de toros,  this week and feel I am beginning to get a better sense of how to watch the activities of the contest.  In this post I am simply describing  a few of the rituals surrounding the events as well as some of the technique I began to understand.

A few minutes prior to the fight, the toreros (some countries called matadors or this term is reserved for senior toreros) gather just outside the primary entrance to the ring (not the stands) in an area called the patio de cuadrillas where you can meet the men and their teams and get signatures or photos if you wish.

This afternoon the queen of the feria (or perhaps of the town) was driven around the ring, riding in a beautiful white Spanish buggy pulled by two large black horses.  Once she was safely outside the ring, the main doors swung open and a man on horse galloped into the stadium and stopped abruptly at the other side.  He was there to obtain the keys to the bull pen, a ritual event officially announcing the beginning of the corrida.

Then the toreros and their teams entered followed by the two picadors and the large black horses that would be used to remove the bulls from the ring.   Members of each torero’s team might be two banderilleros, perhaps a picador that you travel with, a manager and others who look after the capes, exchanging the sword for the torero, and so on.   Looking around the stadium you see a box of the authorities - the judges - as well as a box for the band and perhaps a box for the breeders of the bulls being used this day.

 

Behind the scenes the judges selected the 6 bulls to be used this day (as well as one or two extras); after  examining their size and horn structure made up 3 groups of two (as each torero was to fight two bulls today).   The toreros, or more likely their managers, put their names on paper (traditionally a cigarette paper), these chits were assigned a number as were the three groups of bulls, and then a random draw made to determine which bulls each torero would face today.  The managers would have time to examine the bulls, perhaps discuss background with their breeders and on the basis of the information available make some suggestions to the toreros.   These suggestions might become visible in the ring in subtle ways.  For example, if the bull is a little lighter than the others,  has a compact build and non-threatening horns this might imply that the torero will have much success in working the bull and be able to demonstrate his skills.  In this case it would be advisable to tell the picador to not inflict too much damage on the bull, ensuring that the bull would have the stamina to follow through on his charges.  If the bull is large, has threatening horns and appears to be a little unpredictable and perhaps beyond the skill level of the torero then instruct the picador to inflict more damage to slow the bull down.  The torero may not give his best performance but at least he will live, put in a decent showing and thus get invited to future corridas

The fight begins with the bull charging into an empty ring.  Three or four men are located behind the blinds and appear with large capes to entice the bull into charging around the ring two times.   I believe this helps to tire the bull but it also gets the bull to fixate on the cape and not the body.  The torero then moves forward, also with a large pink cape which he holds with two hands, and has the bull make 3-4 passes at quite a fast speed.   At this point you hear these passes referred to as Veronicas.   The term Veronica comes from the bible and is the same Veronica that wipes the brow of Jesus when he collapses at one of the stations of the cross:  the cape represents the cloth she used.  This allows the torero an opportunity to learn something about the bull - how does he charge, when he charges which horn does he prefer- and thus able to give some instruction to the picador as well as determine his strategy.    He is also beginning to train the bull on how to charge. The bull is then enticed to charge one of the picador’s horses, sometimes forcing the horse and rider back against the wall or even lifting the horse up.  The horse is well padded but it is possible for the horse to  be badly injured at this point.   (In the old days, prior to the use of padding, the horses were almost always killed.)  The horses are blindfolded so they do not see the bull and appear to obey the instructions of the rider.   The picador then forces his long lance into the point at which the bull’s back becomes the neck.  Drawing blood and probably injuring muscle and some say forcing the bull to keep his head lowered.   The picador may be instructed with hand signals to back off quickly or to give another blow to the animal.

Here we have the large cape and a type of veronica being performed.

The bull charges the picador and here you see his lance.

After this the banderilleros appear on foot, usually with torero watching but on occasion the torero may himself play the role of banderillero, and putting himself in danger as the bull charges jumps up and a little to one side in order to plant two banderillas (small banners) in the shoulder area of the bull.  (These banderillas are approx. 30 inches long including a 2.5 inch spike.)  If done well this can be quite breathtaking although it takes only 2-3 seconds.  If he should fail to plant them well he can expect to  hear from the crowd.

The banderillero plants the banderillas.

This photo is a little unclear but but captures the second of drama.

Now as I watch I have come to appreciate the following moves.  It is not a good performance to have the bull pass too far from your body.  Neither is it a good show to move your feet closer to the bull after it has passed in order to give the impression you were close when it did pass.  Toreros use the main cape (a muleta), which they hold in one hand,  in two forms: to begin they support the cape with a sword which allows them to hold the cape further from the body and thus force the bull to pass further from them.  Later, they remove the sword and this makes the cape smaller and hang closer to the body and this is when you can notice the skill of the torero.   A torero whi is very good with the cape may be called a mulatero.  A good performance is one in which the torero appears to almost stand still:   with the bull totally under control he can force the bull to turn tightly thus allowing the torero to just turn to get the next pass.  A bad performance is when the torero has to chase after the bull after each pass, or he feels threatened and has to dance backwards to regain his position.   A further error occurs when the torero has left his best performance too late and the bull has become too tired to make complete passes.   If all goes well the bull still has sufficient energy and anger to continue charging the torero, the crowd calls out Ole with each pass and if this can continue for 7-8 consecutive passes the crowd is pleased.   These passes are referred to as faena and at this point the torero is at his best and one can indeed see elements of art.  (Accompanied by danger as a 1000 pound bull with sharp horns can do considerable damage even if not going very fast.)

A pass using the small cape with sword holding the cape.  He has the confidence to have the bull pass behind him, although not very close.

Here the torero make the kill.

Before the bull becomes too tired for further charges the torero prepares for the killing.  He attempts to get the bull to open the front legs to separate the bones, then with sword aimed at a position that should push the sword through the skin and into the heart or an artery,  the bull and the fighter move together and the sword (which is about 24 inches in length), plunges into the bull.  The torero has to raise himself  to get the right thrust but also ensure that he slides to the side of the horns.The assistants enter at this point and attempt to get the bull charging in tight circles:  these moves by the bull force the sword to move and perhaps do further damage to bring about a quick death.    If the bull does not die quickly it is a considered a bad kill  and the torero is penalized for this.

If there has been real skill in the third part of the fight and the killing has been very quick the crowd through their actions signal to the judge that a reward should be offered.  The torero may be granted one ear, two ears or both ears and the tail depending on the level of skill and appreciation.  (These parts are cut from the bull as you watch and presented to the torero.)  Two large horses then enter the ring and the bull is pulled out of the ring, presumably to be butchered.  The other night the crowd was so appreciative that the bull was dragged around the ring twice and the torero kissed his hand and pressed it to the bull as it passed.   The torero, his agent/manager and the bull’s breeder then walked slowly around the ring to standing ovation and hats, flowers, jackets and flask of alcohol thrown into the ring.

Thanks to my friend Bill who has been watching corridas for 60 years.

FEOS, OR THE UGLIES

The feos are also called the “chiles” and are costumed characters in many traditional fiestas which provide comic relief to the more serious aspects of the greater dance event.  For example, the pastorlea is a serious dance performed during the Christmas season.  Although the dance has become quite stylized it represents the shepherds trying to get to Bethlehem to see the new born baby Jesus.  Forces represented by devil characters are determined to block their way.  It is only with the help of the priest holding his cross and San Miguel with his sword that the devils are killed or transformed.   Once the serious business is finished the feos appear in unusual masks (these days there is great use of preformed rubber masks of monsters and so on) and interact with crowd to provide some comic relief.   In one pueblo which we visit often I believe the feos have morphed into a form of political theatre which is great fun for the audience.  At one event dancers were dressed as “Bush’s army” riding around in card-board cars.  They stopped to search people, always finding a weapon which they had just planted in the victim’s  pocket.
At another event all of the dancers are cross-dressed (men dressed as women as women seldom participate in the dances).   Again, they roam the streets providing entertainment but also clearly violating gender roles so that one can see that by violating the norms or customs they are indeed reinforcing them.  Don’t do what we are doing or people will laugh at you.    Here one might argue that the cross dressing is a statement about homosexuality or, if we think of it as aimed at the women,  an encouragement to stay within their roles.

Having said all of that I want to describe an event we attended recently in which there was a competition of feo dancers.   So, the dance wasn’t directly connected to a another more serious dance although at the same event there was a competition of Kurpites dancers, a dance which is indeed serious and beautiful.   I was not sure quite what to expect but to our surprise there were only one or two masks of the rubber-monster type.   The remaining 30 masks were hand made, which is not unusual, but were made of the products of their immediate environment.  The pueblo is located in a stunningly beautiful area of mountains and thick forest.  The masks were made of wasp nest, wood, bark, maguey, deer’s head, sheep’s head and more.   One dancer carried a 5-6 foot snake (recently alive) and another carried a stuffed owl holding a squirrel.

The dancer with his head down is carrying a 6' snake.

This mask is made of a section of maguey.

Now,  the punch line.  Our informant told us that the feos danced to bring on rain.   If by the middle of May there was no sign of rain, the feos would be called up.   Rain dances are not uncommon in Mexico and usually take place around Easter or in May.  I am not sure how the dance is too change the minds of the gods and let the rain appear.  Do the masks scare the gods?  Do the masks enthrall the gods so the rain can sneak by them?   Are the gods pleased by the dance and thus return the pleasure in the form of rain?   It turns out the process is similar to asking a favour of the Virgin of Guadalupe; the dance itself is a form of petition.  One can see why the indigenous peoples took so readily to the new European religion.   What we saw was a competition of dancers but the real dance of the feos would be danced during the night

IDOLATRY OR DEMOCRACY

Apologies to Max Harris for overusing his 2003 book titled Carnival.  Several of the essays contained there have given me guidance in understanding my experiences.   But, please read Harris for yourself.

Pilgrims returning multiple images of the black Jesus which have visited the original black Jesus in another town.  My understanding is these images will rotate among the homes of the more faithful of the pueblo.   The dancers on either side are Arqueros (a version of the Matachines).

Not being Catholic I have always been struck by the number of religious images in Mexico.  As a protestant I was raised with the beliefs that follow from this bible quotation: Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven images.  (Ex. 20:4)   There is a great deal of debate even within Protestantism as to the meaning of this, but for Catholics God appears to be everywhere so can certainly be in a man-made object.  It is quite common to see a representation of a saint or of the Virgin being paraded through the streets and when you enter the homes of the working poor or the rural poor you might become aware of  the absence of what we might call “art”.  Instead the walls are often bare or if there is anything hanging there it might be a religious calendar, a mass produced image of a saint or the Virgin or something handed out at a religious festival.  I recently picked up a book-mark sized image of Pope John  Paul II when his relics passed through Patzcuaro.   I picked up a playing card sized image of Don Vasco on one of the few days his mausoleum was open.  I was given an image of Guadalupe when I passed through the church on her “day” to be blessed.   On Palm Sunday most people purchase a palm and these have usually been worked into a stylized image of Jesus or the Virgin.  On one saints day I noted that people were given long-stemmed gladiolas.   You also almost always find a small alter in the home, usually with a simple religious image, some flowers, a candle or two and perhaps an object or two.  You also may find alters in the doctor’s office (perhaps an image of “Dr. Jesus” with a stethoscope around his neck); you know you are in good hands. 

One of many stalls selling religious  images. 

The central image in Mexico is that of the Virgin (and Queen) Guadalupe and the most powerful image is that of the Virgin that appeared on the tunic of Juan Diego, the first person (a poor, indigenous, rural farmer) to be visited by Guadalupe. (It is important to keep in mind that in this founding story it was an indigenous person who first saw Guadalupe and he was instructed to speak to the local priest.) This image of Guadalupe is centrally controlled (the image never leaves the wall of the Basilica in Mexico City); not by the indigenous people’s themselves, but  by the religious hierarchy, few if any of whom are indigenous.   The skeptical might argue that the story of Juan Diego and the tunic with its image were creations of the Mexican Creole (those Mexicans born in Mexico of Spanish parents) who wanted to attract the indigenous population to Catholicism.  It was a device to attract the attention of the indigenous peoples.  However, the image never had much importance for the Indigenous peoples until Miguel Hidalgo (himself a Creole and annoyed about his group’s exclusion from political power) used the image in the first revolutionary steps towards independence from Spain.  Since then the image has appeared everywhere, mugs, tea towels, t-shirts, playing cards, greeting cards, and on and on.  And, the story and its image have become widely loved by indigenous peoples.  In this sense the image was taken from the central church and at least symbolically off the walls of the Basilica and placed in every aspect of peoples lives.   As I write this post we are approaching the fiesta for Guadalupe and almost daily an image (sometimes quite elaborate and others a simple painted depiction) goes through the streets with a few people following and bearing witness to their faith before returning to a local church.  Harris puts it this way:

Power thus spreads from the single sacred image, controlled by clergy, to the many images that live daily with the folk.  Power is refracted and diffused; sacred space is decentralized.  If the more powerful control the image at the center of the sacred space, the less powerful multiply the image, extending power to the margins.

 He argues that the multiple representations of religious figures is an indication of the ways in which spiritual power is (infinitely) divisible and often taken into the hands of local people themselves.  Spiritual power may be central and controlled centrally but it can soon move out into the community, to people’s homes and even to their clothing.  It can do this without taking the image itself.  As we have seen in other posts, I can touch the image and thus take some spiritual power home with me.  In one church where they distributed gladiolas to pilgrims they often tied a stick to the flower in order to lift the flower high enough to make contact with the painting of a sacred image.   To conclude, we can return to where this post began.  The homes of the rural power may have no art in some sense of the word but they do have multiple very ordinary images that presumably are thought to have some power (and perhaps even some beauty).

In a separate essay (also in Carnival, 2003) Harris suggests that much of Western theology (and other aspects of society) is built on a belief in scarcity - you have to choose A or B - there is never enough to go around.   But he suggests, folk theology prefers to believe that you can choose A and B, that is spiritual power can be divided and divided.  God is indeed generous.  It was in reading these few simple lines that I came to really understand the importance of the concept of “folk”.   Folk music, folk art, folk theology ad folk medicine have in common that they have their origins outside of the standards, belies, values and so on of the central authorities (priests, art historians, medical schools, etc.).  In the same fashion Guadalupe (or Mary) of the centralized church can become Maringullia of the folk dance, Malinche, or Tonantzin (the female godess of the Mexica of central Mexico).

Postscript:  Just as I finished this post I was in the Basilica when a Pilgrimage arrived with their image of Salud (the more important image of Mary in this pueblo).  Followed by the brass band which filled the sacred space, the local Virgin (a copy so to speak) came face to face with the real Virgin (the older image that is), but only for a moment.   The copy was quickly ushered into a back room and out of sight of the original.  While images can multiply and perhaps sacred power be distributed, it appeared that it wasn’t quite correct to have the two images in the same space.
Postscript 2:  I was recently in a restaurant in Morelia  (bearing a religious name) where there were 100 or more images of religious figures and they were all standing on their heads.  That is they were all turned upside down.  Was this just marketing or was their a political message?

MAGICAL THINKING

"El Santisimo".  My belief is that the centre of the central cross represents the communion wafer and therefore the body of Christ. This was what gives it power.

Pilgirms being blesssed as they enter the church.

Let me begin this post with apologies to Catholics.  I am sure I do not fully understand your traditions but I am struggling in that direction.   I was overwhelmed when I learned that the Catholic church had a problem with Mary, mother of Jesus.  We all know the story about Mary being a virgin (in some sense of that word), but it goes further.  At some point the church realized it was unacceptable to have Mary, the mother of god, herself born as the result of normal human sexual contact and thus being just another human.  As a human she would be subject to the normal temptations and vices.  Her image was cleaned up by creating the belief that Mary’s mother had conceived in the regular way but that God had interfered after this conception to provide divine grace -  in effect allowing us to erase the memory of that sexual contact, she was freed of original sin and her soul made immaculate.  This is magical thinking on a grand scale.

Examples of this type of magic occur daily.   People talk or sing to the virgin; they make promises to the virgin; they thank the virgin when they believe she has helped them, they dance for the Virgin, and on and on.  During the celebration of Guadalupe priests bless (sprinkle water on) all of the cars, taxis, buses and trucks in the parade and then later blesses all of the people who walk by the Virgin in the church.  On another day people take their pets to be blessed.  What do people believe about this water?  People pin milagros (little metal pieces representing a part of the body) in the church or as close to the Virgin as is allowed.  People touch the garments of the Virgin.  People take their baby Jesus figure to the church to be blessed before they put it in their nacimiento ( manger) on Christmas Eve.  In some communities a doll (taken to be a representation of Jesus) is carried through the streets by the most prestigious dancers (often the negritos).  Indeed some of these baby Jesus figures actually have god parents who are responsible for looking after them. In May, workers (and often others) make beautiful crosses, carry them to the top of the nearby hill where there is a larger cross and a priest who blesses all of the crosses.  These crosses are then returned to the work place and assumed to protect the house and its workers - thus no need for hard hats.  Some touch an image of the Virgin with flowers and then place the flowers in the house.  What are the beliefs behind this? One final example:  during a large competition of dancers with about 1000 observers, I learned that the dance costumes had been blessed by the priest the day prior to the event.  At the end of the competition we witnessed one of the dance groups enter the church and dance before the virgin. 

This following example amazes me but again I am a stranger to these traditions.  When there is a procession the priest or religious figures are almost always preceded by what I believe to be called “el santisimo” (the holy, the sacred).  In one village where people had created a tapete (a form of carpet) of flowers that stretched for more than one kilometer.  The priest was to walk down this tapete later (I am not sure if there was a religious image as well).    The priest was preceded by el santisimo and this simple act transformed the space and the priest.  The priest was no longer an ordinary human.  When the relics of Pope John Paul II passed through the pueblo here his vehicle was preceded by el santisimo.   Again, this simple act transforms everything.   When the Virgin of Health (Nuestra Señora Virgen de la Salud) is taken through the streets of Patzcuaro she is preceded by el santisimo and this act makes the space different than it was before.    One final example.  A young Mexican woman described her grandmother;s beliefs around Good Friday.  It is assumed that Jesus died at 10:00 AM and for the next 24 hours the small hole in the sky that allowed communication with God was closed.  For this reason her grandmother did absolutely nothing during those hours.   The young woman herself seemed to find the words to express this belief and the idea of a hole was the only description available.

Some will see this as a little harsh and perhaps naive and it may be all of these as I am a newcomer to all of this.  However, there are equally strange beliefs held by non-religious people.   Think of the beliefs many hold about the economy:  giving money to the wealthy will trickle down and “raise all boats”.  Low taxes will stimulate growth.  Acting in a communal way to provide health care or other necessities is a version of communism and thus dangerous to our liberties.  Democracies can be imposed on traditional societies.  Capitalism makes people happier than do hunting and gathering societies (often called primitive societies).   The rich have worked hard (harder than others) for their rewards.   When you eat fat it turn to fat on the body.  By not including the number 13 in an apartment tower the 13th floor somehow disappears.

We are all caught in a web of magical thinking of one kind or another.  It is only when in the midst of a quite different magical perspective that we are forced to think about our own perspective.

MATACHINES OR MATLACHINES

This post began while watching the festivities surrounding “el dia de conquista” in San Miguel de Allende, Mexico. The Aztec dancers were the centre of attraction as noted in a previous post , but there were two groups of dancers who seemed to be attached to churches outside the city of San Miguel and their banners declared them as dancers celebrating the conquest. Later in the day I happened to see one of these groups getting on their bus and noted the sign on the back of the bus stating that they were “Matlachines”. So who are the Matlachines?

To complicate matters dance groups referred to as Matlachines are called Matachines in nothern Mexico and the southern USA where they have been heavily studied. According to Max Harris the term matachines appeared in Italy prior to the conquest of New Spain were it referred to groups of entertainers performing acrobatic acts and dance. If this is so, the term may have been brought to Mexico by the Spanish but the dance the term refers to was originally a form of the dance of the Moors and Christians, a dance of conquest and conversion. However, shortly after the Spanish conquest they took Aztec dancers to Spain and perhaps it was there that they took on the name of Matachines. The sequence of events and the naming are difficult to understand clearly. The Moors are apparent in current dances in New Mexico among pueblo Indians but the primary roles are a young girl playing Malinche and a man playing Motecuzoma, the Aztec emperor (there are also two men dressed as women referred to as “abuelas” (grandmothers) but playing a role similar to that of clowns). Malinche is commonly known as the mistress of Cortes who played a role in the Spanish conquest through her work as interpreter. But in this dance Malinche is the wife or daughter of Motecuzoma. According to Harris the term Malinche may well be a version of Maria (Mary, mother of Jesus) in the native language and her role is to encourage Motecuzoma to convert to Christianity and to return from the dead to reconquer the country. In this reading the dance is one of subversion and driving out the foreigners who are represented by a toro who in the end is castrated. In all of the dances I believe the majority of the dancers represent soldiers, but not Spanish soldiers. They represent Aztec soldiers or native soldiers and they represent the possibility of reconquest.
In the Pueblo Indian communities that dance makes no reference to Christianity or to conversion but it entirely focused on resistance against the foreigner, in this case the Mexicans who now share their land. Although the same dance is performed in Mexican communities the focus is much more on Christianity and conversion with little or no elements of subversion. While this may be true I am unclear as to why the Mexican communities would not be more like the Pueblo Indian communities - they have both suffered conquest, intrusion and dominance and the loss of an earlier heritage. Why would the Mexicans so innocently accept their conversion? Harris himself shows that in other dances the Mexican communities do show subversion and resistance.

In Central Mexico the dance is referred to as “Matlachines” and again according to Harris this name appears in a pre-conquest Aztec combat dance celebrating their victory over a group called Matlatzinca. One can image that it was easy for the Spanish to attach their dances of defeat of the Moors on to a dance like this and for some people to retain the original name.
Now back to what I did see. In San Miguel both groups of Matlachines wore feathered headresses which looked like they were using feather dusters as the materials. Their faces were uncovered and they wore beaded clothing, making them look quite “Indian”. The dance was clearly a half conquest dance although there were elements of combat. The 12-15 dancers arranged themselves in two lines and did some weaving in and out and moving in two elipses with each line returning to its original position. They each carried machetes in one dance and performed a mock battle at times. I saw no evidence of other role players however. The second group did not use machetes but carried a small bow and arrow in one hand and a rattle in the other. Their banners identified their home church, an image of Guadalupe as well as a statement about the day of conquest.

I have seen other dances which reveal some similar elements. In Santa Clara del Cobre, Michoacan, on the return of the black Jesus images from a long pilgrimage the “Arqueros” perform for the fiesta. These dances have large Indian headresses sewn onto their capes, carry small bows and arrows, small crowns with coloured feathers and dance in a very rapid and highly choreographed fashion. While there are leaders for each line of dancers there do not seem to be other roles, except perhaps for young boys dressed as skeletons or devils playing the role of entertainer or crowd control. A friend also showed videos taken in La Penita on the west coast at a festival for St. Patrick in which there were lines of dancers dressed like Indians, with a different group coming from surrounding communities each day. I have also seen a group of performers engaged as entertainers in brightly coloured costumes including bright feathered headress and matching tunics and skirt with long pieces of plastic bead hanging from the edges of clothing.
Unfortunately the Matachines dances of New Mexico have more thoroughly studied that those in central Mexico where, according to Harris, the dance began before traveling north.

LA DANZA DEL TORITO

In previous posts I have described and commented on la danza Aztecs and la danza Matlachines, both of which I saw in San Miguel de Allende during the celebration of el dia de la conquista. The third dance performed that day was la danza del torito. I was not able to make any sense of this dance, thinking it must be a version of a carnival dance. Then I stumbled on a post from “mexicobob” which provides a description and explanation. Have a look at his post: mexicobob.

Photo: in the photo above you are able to see two of the three maranguillas performing that day (one of these may have been la borracha), el viejito (with the cane), el charo (the one with the little horse) and the devil with his whip. Other dancers, including the bull, were there but not in the photo.

The viejito

Perhaps this is the rancher

El toro and one of the Maranguillas.

Bob’s description of this event makes sense to me except for the role of the bull. Having read Max Harris I have begun to look for “hidden transcripts” and considering that the dance took place during the celebration of the conquest, I wondered if the bull in fact wasn’t a representation of the Spanish (the invader or the foreign). Is the message: they too will pass and we will remain? But, it the dance was first performed in 1830 and the primary character is a hacienda owner we are talking about those of pure Spanish blood but born in Mexico (Criollos), the group which began the first revolution and in spite of the significant role of Morelos (the indigenous military leader who first talked about independence and equality) came to own the land and dominate politics. Further, if the dance began in 1830 I am quite sure it was a creation of an indigenous group (rather than mestizos) and it would have a message. Is the dance then a show of resistance to this group? If we follow the logic of Harris, very few dances are just entertainment, there is frequently a hidden message. Could it be as simple as: the Spanish - or the Criollos - are caught between evil and death. But evil didn’t win out during the dance so we are left with death being the victor. The indigenous peoples are represented by the “apache” (I have not seen this dancer in two viewings) but since he is also defeated this does not appear to be a dance of resistance. Or, is it a more obvious dance of resistance with the toro representing the indigenous people who will only be defeated by death?

This is "el Moco"

I am open to suggestions on how to interpret this dance.