DANZAS AZTECAS

For the second time in three years we visited San Miguel de Allende for the dance of the conquest (el dia de conquista) which features about 200 hundred Aztec dancers and a few Matlachines. This is the only Aztec dance that I have actually seen (although a small group dances annually in Patzcuaro and I have seen 3-4 dancers in Cucucho. Historically earlier, and of more interest, are those dances depicting the conquest of the Aztecs by Cortez and the Spanish as well as a similar dances referred to as the Malinches or Matlachines performed as often in southwest USA as in Mexico, la danza de los Moros and Cristianos and la danza de la pluma. This group of dances depict combat and conquest and with role playing there is a great deal of room for symbolism and hidden messages. Max Harris provides some exceptional examples of acts of resistance in these dances and I will return to this in a subsequent post. However, more often the Aztecs, Matachines and Moros have been lifted from these combat dances and perform on their own at events honouring a patron saint or celebrations of conquest. These dances with only one side participating so to speak are referred to as “media conquista” (half conquest). One wonders how these groups became isolated from the larger dance and I at least speculate that the church had some influence on this as the full dances often carried an undertone of resistance to the conquest, even after 500 years. What has puzzled me in watching the “media conquista” dances is the celebration of Christian conquest of Mexico. But, if one sees this against the full dance, although seldom performed in most parts of the nation, there is the possibility that in the minds of the dancers they are presenting a tribal view of the world as well as the “hidden transcripts” which are implied by the full dance. The past rector of the Basilica de Guadalupe in Mexico City was born in Quiroga, Michoacan and for at least 5 years returned to participate in the dance of the Moors (the half dance) on the day of the town’s patron Saint. His account is of interest: he returned each year because he saw the dance as a way to bridge the conflict between the Indian part of the community and the mestizo part. This would seem to be an excellent occasion for the Indian community to show resistance but if there is any it is not apparent, perhaps drowned out by the shear number of participants or by respect for the rector. Also, one can imagine that it is the mestizo community that organizes events and occupies important positions.

Now, however, let’s turn briefly to the Aztecas. Harris distinguishes between Los Aztecas and Los Concheros along class lines - the Concheros typically being dancers of a lower class and putting the concha shell (actually in the form of a guitar made from the shell of an armadillo) more at the centre of the dance. Los Aztecs by contrast are more middle class and give no significance to the concha and place the drum at the centre of the dance. Los Aztecas can be found on almost any day in the Zocalo of Mexico City where drumming goes on for hours and people dance with or without costume. The costumes consist of men in loin cloths and vests and with enough feathers in their head gear to frighten birds for miles. All fabrics are embroidered with what one immediately imagines as Aztec designs. They wear small bells on their feet and to the deafening rhythm of the drums dance for hours at a time. Although billed as el dia de conquista, what is really going on here?

Max Harris provides some useful insights based on his observations of the dance in Mexico City.
“The danzas aztecas are self-conscious attempts, as many participants told me, to revive ‘the dances of our [Aztec] ancestors’. They are far from authentic. .. The urban mestizo’s ideas abut his Aztec ancestors are culled as much from popular films, posters, newspapers, and magazines - and from Hollywood representations of Native Americans - as they are from the ancient codices and subsequent scholarship. To put it unkindly, the danzas aztecas resemble a cross between a Plains Indians powwow and the gaudy fantasies of a Las Vegas costume designer. The performers are not living tradition bearers but escapees from the alienation of daily routine to a world of ‘invented ethnicity’”. (Carnival and other Christian Festivals. 2003: 54-55)


Unkind indeed, but Harris goes further. Commenting on the fact that the danzas aztecas take up much performance space and make a great deal of noise, they attract large audiences and drown out the indigenous dancers often present at public events. He says the following:
Urban Mexican contempt for the cultural products of unsophisticated rural Indians marginalized real Indians in the name of a romantic, middle-class vision of Mexico’s indigenous past. ... In the danzas aztecas, urban mestizos defiantly assert the value of a native heritage they despise in the flesh of their Indian neighbors. (2003:55)

This is rather blunt but after being a witness to a large scale dance, I believe there are elements of truth in his claims. Many of the dancers carry a very obvious urban “paunch” and one worries about their health during the vigorous dancing. Further, the smaller groups of dancers who look more “indian” are relegated to small corners of the pubic plaza.

Please see my post for February 2012 in which I re-describe the Aztec dance for an improved interpretation.  Click here for my most recent words on this.

IMPRESSIONS OF TEMPLO MAYOR

It is difficult to roam around the Templo Mayor site, the Aztec (or more properly Mexica) archaeological site in the historic centre of Mexico City, without being impressed or moved in some way. I was struck by two thoughts. First, how recent the history of this site is. The last major renovation to the Aztec temple occurred about 100 years prior to the arrival of the Spanish. The Spanish cathedral, literally a stones throw from the earlier temple, is itself impressive but if we can imagine traveling back in time another 100 years from its construction, there was the Aztec temple.

The second image that grew in my mind and became much more powerful than the image of the shortness of history, was that of the killing field. In the archaeological site and in the museum itself one sees the skull rack (I presume the one in the museum is original work while that in the site is probably a reconstruction), a representation of those killed in battle who were then sacrificed to the gods. Reliable accounts suggest that when the last renovation was made to the ancient temple 1000 people were sacrificed each day for the 20 days of the festival - 20,000 people lost their lives for the glory of god. All of this is now invisible but one can imagine the blood running down the temple, the body parts being dealt with and the fear that must have run through the streets. A visit to the ruins is like a visit to a concentration camp in Germany, the Cambodian killing fields or the country side of Rwanda. Yet, there are no signs telling us we are entering a killing ground, no suggestions to remember those who died at the site, no explanation of the use of body parts. It gets worse: there were five renovations to the ancient temple. Did each have a similar number of deaths associated with the grand reopening? Also of corse there were regular sacrifices at the site. Let your mind travel further and recall the enormous numbers of deaths in the streets (in what was really quite a small island) at the hands of the Spanish and of the Aztecs.

In an earlier post I reviewed the debate over cannibalism among the Aztecs and now it has become more real. One can indeed find images from Aztec sites of body parts being cooked and eaten. We know there was a belief that the bodies of those sacrificed became sacred: after death they took on additional importance. So it is unlikely the bodies were simply disposed of and more likely the bodies were consumed by the religious elite. This of course is only different from our treatment of the body of Jesus in its concreteness, not in its symbolism. How one might ask, could they possibly eat 20,000 sacred bodies? Perhaps this protein did in fact work its way down the “food chain” so to speak and fed a great many people.

EL TORITO (THE LITTLE BULL)

You do not need spend very many days in Michoacan until you see the torito dance. There are many forms of this dance and with many viewings I have begun to appreciate the symbolism buried in this small event. The story goes that the figure of the little bull and its attendant characters was developed shortly after the arrival of the Spanish as a form of mockery of the importance the Spanish gave to the bull fight. In this post I examine some of the more common forms of the dance and attempt an archeology of the images.

The most frequent use of the dance is during carnival and it is here that one finds the largest array of characters and in this see the mockery of the Spanish. The characters are of the course the torito made of animal skin and real horns and perhaps the name of the dancer’s barrio written on the side. The figure is carried on the head and shoulders of a man who swings the torito wildly and chases after other characters. The second person is the maranguilla (little Mary) who invariably is a man dressed as a woman, sometimes with a mask and whose role is to taunt the bull. Another character is the cowboy (jinete) who may have a small figure of a horse head strapped to the front of his belt and the back end of the horse attached to the back of the belt. He usually carries a rope with which on occasion he catches the bull - usually when it is time to move on to another street corner. Then there are a number of strange characters who act as crowd control, create a sense of excitement by forcing members of the audience to dance with them and to collect donations. On at least one occasion I have also seen a devil character cracking a substantial whip. Cross dressing is a common element of carnival in many communities. In San Bartolo for example many men and some women engage in cross dressing and for a period exchange societal roles. These legitimized occasions for violating the rules are common to most societies and are not just to let off steam but to display what happens when you break the rules. A short aside - there is a common dance called the feos (uglies). In my favorite 6-8 men dress as women and go through the streets engaging in women’s activities like sweeping (they also look up each other’s dresses). The crowd reaction is much laughter which serves to reinforce the traditional gender roles. I will return to carnival in a moment but first another use of the dance.
Many times one sees the torito when all of the participants, except the torito dancer and the band, are women. Rather than dressing as maranguillas (little Marys), they are the guaracitas (literally mountain people, but refers to women in their traditional clothing). For example this happens during celebrations of the festival of San Jose (Joseph the other half of the ideal family). Here the dancer follows an image of the saint and the procession ends at the basilica. Joseph is a difficult image for men (wasn’t he the cuckold - husband of an adulteress) so they are conflicted by his image. In a patriarchal society like Mexico he is also a difficult image for women. They would rather talk to the Virgin Mary, so in this dance we see the woman teasing the torito but always backing away. Are they learning how to relate to men (and making this public)? The patriarchal father or husband in his disguise.
Now if we go back to the carnival image we see that the torito is more than the patriarch - he is temptation itself. In Spanish or perhaps Catholic tradition the devil is not understood as evil but only as sin or temptation. As temptation it can be avoided, mastered, or excused (confession). It came as a great surprise to me that in many barrios the torito is symbolically killed at the end of the evening. Remember that ash Wednesday follows carnival and so the slate has to be cleaned as the period of lent is undertaken. For a period at any rate temptation has to be driven out. One is about to embark on a period of dealing with your temptations - giving up smoking, drinking, eating bread, etc. Now if we return to the second image of carnival. In Santa Fe de la Languna, Michoacan, the carnival dancers are all women (except the bull of course). At the end of the evening the woman take long piece of freshly cut thorn bushes in their gloved hands and whip the back sides of the men (perhaps their husbands and the men in charge of the community events). We can see them whipping temptation into place but also the making a public statement about gender roles.
There are two or three other images that confirm these claims. In one town on the evening of carnival all of the cross dressers make a small procession in their tight dresses and high heel to the bull ring for the annual jaripejo (rodeo). Here brave men attempt to ride bulls without benefit of saddle or even a rope to hang on to. Once the man is dislodged the bull is allowed to run wild in the ring in order to give the cross dressers the opportunity to tease the bull (often kicking off their heel to quickly climb the fence). It is good fun but as almost all bull riders and bull fighters are men (there is a current and very competent woman bull fighter in Mexico) this routine also entrenches traditional gender roles - we laugh at women attempting to do what only men should do.

During carnival period there is also a competition of torito dances performed by children. This training is necessary of course if the community wishes to maintain traditions. But there are at least two other uses of the torito. First, it is not unusual after the castillo (literally the castle, but it refers to the tall Mexican fireworks with elements of awe and danger) to have a torito loaded with fireworks. Usually carried by a young man this dangerous creature runs through the crowds sending everyone scrambling. On occasion these toritos carry what are called “buscapies” - literally searchers for feet. These fireworks go straight out from the torito and travel in unpredictable directions, often resulting in burns to young children (most often boys). I also saw this type of torito used in Taxco by a group of young men who played tag with it, running and falling through the streets as they attempted to stay out of reach. If they are tagged, it becomes their turn to carry the torito. One final example. In her discussion of the Matachines dance Syliva Rodriguez (1996: 24) describes the role of the torito in this performance of Spanish conquest and resistance. At the end of the dance the torito is castrated - the symbolism of this is clear and dramatic.

Now I need to do some reading to understand the symbolism of the bull in Spanish culture and see how this transferred to New Spain.

THREE STRANGE KINGS

This year we went to Ihuatzio, a small town only a few kilometers from Patzcuaro, on January 6 which is Three Kings day. We arrived in the middle of things so were unable to get a real sense of the events of the day but here are some notes on what we have learned.
There appeared to have been a pastorela dance which is common during the Christmas season. Some of the dancers were entering homes which quickly became overcrowded . The centre of attention was on a group of about 7 men who wore unusual outfits: they wore fedora hats (a European style hat) and long summer overcoats (abrigos or gabardinas). I thought these men must be the cargueros of the village or of the dance but I later discovered they represented the Three Kings. Would like to know where this tradition came from. The men were called capoteros (derived from the word for cape). The Kings immediately linked arms and began moving quickly in all four directions, creating the threat of one of them falling over or of members of the crowded being knocked over. Would like to know what this represented. This lasted only a few minutes with great laughter and then they sat down and food was brought to them while a group of female dancers (guarecitas) performed. After 15 minutes the action moved on.
At the next stop we were offered a plate of food by one of the Kings. It contained a bowl of fava beans coved with sugar and the whole bowl covered with a very large tortilla. We later learned that the gift was a sweet gift typical of the season. The large tortilla was really a buenjelo (usually a very sweet flat bread which is deep fried rather than quickly cooked on a comal). We were expected to make a taco of the material but few if any people appeared to do this. (Perhaps this was their 4th or 5th offering).
We saw two other groups of dancers. First, a rowdy group of feos (usually cross-dressed) and second large group of young boys (perhaps 40) in pink to red smocks with hoods. These boys represented the hermits which again are common to the pastorela dance.
More about this event next year.

JANUARY 1 CIRCUMCISION

For two years we have gone to Purepecha villages to witness celebration and dancing. One might think this is just a celebration of the New Year but for the Purepecha the new year begins on February 1, their calendar being set by the motions of Orion. Also, there are often images of Santo Niño on this day. This is perhaps understandable since the day is close to Christmas but it doesn’t really make sense.
A little research uncovered two things that might makemore sense of the celebrations on this day. First, according to Jewish tradition baby boys are circumcised 8 days after birth. If you count December 25, this means Jesus was circumcised on Jan. 1. So what is the deal? Catholics were encouraged to see this circumcision in a non-Jewish framework so saw this drawing of blood as the first indication of the crucifixion and the blood shed to save each of us. In addition, this day was when Jesus would have received his name - the first day he was called Jesus. Until 1960 this day was part of the Catholic calendar but has been removed and replaced with another celebration. The indigenous peoples of Mexico, however, may have hung on to this earlier tradition as it had become linked to fiestas and dances.

Or, here is another take: I have been reading further writings of Max Harris on the “feast of Fools”, a much misunderstood festival present in the medieval Catholic church and silenced by later religious authorities. The event was part of a sequence of nativity festivals and occurred on December 28 (the festival of innocents, what we are now told is similar to April fools day). This festival involved an element of revelry and practices which can easily be misinterpreted as pagan or inappropriate. For example, the ass was welcomed into the church, there was cross-dressing even among the clergy, the lower clergy played the parts of the higher clergy, and so on. Harris reinterprets these events within a religious (rather than pagan) framework and begins with the observation that all religious drama should be seen as having the intent of making the invisible incarnate. Complex theological narratives were made clear through theater, drama, and performance and the feast of fools was just another of these dramas. He then reminds us of one of the most peculiar aspects of the Christian narrative - Jesus was born in a manger among the animals and his mother was carried to her delivery by an ass. Further, the first to be told of the birth were the shepherds and the animal world. In short, Christianity is presented as beginning with the lowly and the humble and not the kings or religious authorities. The feast of fools appears to celebrate this aspect of the Christian narrative. Finally, the bible tells us that the world will be turned upside down - the lowly shall inherit the earth, etc. This is what we see in the cross-dressing and the lower clergy acting above their station and so on - things are turned upside down.

Now, although this festival was discontinued 500 years ago and it is not clear from Harris if the festival also occurred in Spain, one does wonder if the festival in Michoacan on January 1 are remnants of this festival of fools. The cross dressing on January 1, for example, would make sense in this context.

THE MOORS REVISITED

In several post I have described the dance of the Moors and provided my attempts to understand the importance of this dance. I now have a better handle on the dance and attempt to clarify my earlier interpretations here.

The first thing to know is that Santiago is the Patron saint of Spain and of Mexico. Santiago (or Santo Diego), Saint James in English, was one of the original apostles. Apparently he preached in Spain before returning to die in Jerusalem. His bones, however, were returned to Spain but not until about 800 AD and the famous pilgrimage route ends at the church built over his remains. The church was built in the early 800s and for 1000 years people have been walking this pilgrimage route. The second thing to know is that for several centuries the Moors, or Muslims, ruled Spain as well as parts of northern Africa. The Christians began to retake Spain around 800BC but did not complete this task until about 1490 with the capture of Granda, one of the most beautiful spots in the world, shortly before the discovery of Mexico. In the early days of the battle to drive out the Muslims a legend was developed that appears to have little foundation but it goes as follows. After being defeated by the Moors the Christian troops were regrouping when their leader had a dream in which a knight on a white horse with a sword in his hand appeared telling him that the Christians would be victorious. With this encouragement the troops returned to the field and were indeed victorious. The story claims that the knight in this vision was Saint James and he is now depicted on a horse with sword in hand and often with dying Moors at his feet. He became known as Santiago Matamoros, which in English means Saint James the Moor killer. You can find many images of Santiago in churches throughout Mexico.

So the Moors were important to the legend of Santiago, the patron saint of Mexico and for many years a dance depicting the battle between Christians and Moors was performed. As said in earlier posts this battle was important in a country were Christians were sent to convert “heathens” much as they had done with the Muslims. So the dance depicts the power of the Christian establishment and the senselessness of resisting. The most common dance today is the "half conquest", a representation of the conversion of Muslims to Christianity not the battle fought by Santiago. However, we do know that Muslims, Protestants and Jews did resist the Spaniards and it was for this reason that the Spanish Inquisition was established.

Poor resolution in photo but here we see the Moor dancing for the Virgin.

This is the only time I have seen female Moors.

To more fully understand this one needs an outline of the full dance. Although the dance has varied over the country some common elements are: Christian and Muslin troops approach each other, there is a period of negotiation between the two sides, as this fails the troops engage in combat and the tragic defeat of the Muslims follows. This tragedy is then made right by the Muslims being uplifted by their conversion to Christianity. The "half conquest" only depicts this last half - eliminating the tragedy and showing the faithfulness of the indigenous population to Christ and church.

These were Moors with a difference. Shot in Sevina.

The Moors almost always have beautiful capes with religious imagery on the back.

One wonders if the dancers or organizers continue to see these dances as being in part about Muslims or against Islam. I love to attend these dances for the beauty of some of the costumes but it is clear that you could not perform this in a multicultural society. The Muslim community would be outraged: they have not been assimilated to Christianity. The good news is that many Christian churches have begun to remove images of Santiago Matamoros, now realizing it is an insult to Islam. Others have suggested that in America the name be changed to Santiago Mataindios.

EATING WITH THE DEAD

This year we were invited by a Mexican Catholic family to share a meal with them at the grave site of family members. This was a small cemetery in rural Mexico, approachable only by a quite rough road and many of the graves were set among the trees. About 25 friends and family gathered for a meal of mole con pollo, corundas and the usual round of tequila.

I was struck by the antiquity of this Christian tradition. Before the birth of Christ the dominant belief among Romans and Greeks was that the corpse was defiled and to be avoided, thus burials were handled by “experts” and took place at some distance from the community. However, it was not unusual for family members to make the trek to the grave site and to share a picnic. After the death of Christ it became more common for people to gather and eat with the dead. Approximately 1000 years ago the Pope decreed that the spirits of the dead returned to earth on November 2, beginning at 12:01AM on the morning of the second. It is for this reason that Mexicans and many others spend the night in the grave yard and decorate their homes in order to help those spirits find their way home and to make them comfortable. In a few communities this tradition is carried on during the day rather than at night. Graves are cleaned and decorated to various degrees and families gather to eat with the dead. For some reason North America has transformed this day into an event that is supposed to frightening with witches and goblins. How did that happen?

During our meal with the dead there was no reference to the dead and in fact we sat slightly away from the grave to avoid the heat of the sun. However, the belief is that the dead are indeed at the scene, so are with you. You are eating with the dead. However, I did not see a plate set for the spirit. (However, many graves to do have food set out for the spirits.)

There is of course vast cultural differences among the peoples of the world in terms of their treatment of the dead. As noted some build cemeteries at some distance from the town (towns often sprawl so that they became more central) while others place them in the very centre of the village housing In yet others the bones of the dead are buried under the bed of the survivor. In the early Christian church it was traditional to build the church over the grave of a saint, preferably putting the alter directly above. In quite old churches it is common to find significant community members buried under the church floor and if possible to have the bones of the venerated within the church itself.

This seems related to the literal or symbolic act of eating the dead. Sharing the body of Christ during communion or actually eating the dead to retain the sacred quality of that person. Not too different than hunters an gatherers who placed great value on eating the heart or the eyes of an animal. These parts were believed to transfer powers to the hunter and to others. In Canada the head of state, while visiting Inuit peoples in the north, was offered a portion of the warm heart of a seal. She ate it as though accustomed to the act and created much conversation. What was intended as a spiritual act became a political act. Was she supporting the rights of the Inuit to hunt seals and sell their furs?

(NOTE: the references to history come from Margaret Visser, The Geometry of Love.)