THE VALUE OF A PLAZA!

As a resident of Mexico one quickly comes to love the plaza as it is the centre of public life (and to some extent private) and sets the tone for the whole community. In Canada and the USA there is a feeling that this type of space is missing and attempts are often made to create these feeling in private spaces – in the malls. It is unclear if this can ever be achieved in developed nations as a cultural mind-set is also required to maintain a large public space. But let’s describe one plaza in a small Mexican village.

The plaza encompasses 4-5 square blocks and has many of the typical features of such spaces: The plaza is almost entirely surrounded by portals which protect one from the elements but also provide a transition from the commercial spaces of the businesses and municipal offices and the public space of the plaza itself. In the portals one can enjoy a cup of coffee, share a meal with fiends or buy an ice-cream. The plaza itself has large walkways, three fountains (one with a large statue of a local hero), stone benches around the fountain and the periphery as well as a substantial grass area that you are asked to stay off.

In the plaza one can also see hints of the power structure of the village. The municipal office is here, the homes of three or four of the older and still powerful families front the square and as the rents are high the owners have some influence. Unlike many plazas there is no church here which of course is still a great power in Mexico. The other anomaly is the presence of a quite large building (the Palacio) owned by the indigenous community, granted to them 20 years ago and almost 400 years after the death of the last king. Is this real power? It is unclear.

It is the use made of the entire plaza that reflects the culture of the village. Activities fluctuate throughout the day, as does the mood. In the morning all is quite with people enjoying a coffee or breakfast and others strolling to work or to the markets. A few women sit on a corner selling the tortillas they have made early in the morning. As the temperature warms vendors arrive with fruit stalls and people spend time on the benches. By late afternoon you can experience a wide variety of happenings which vary over the year and time of day. Small stalls are setup on the sidewalks selling hats and scarves, others the work of artisans, the goods of the store spill out on to the sidewalk, school children on their way home stop to play in the fountain and to tease each other and mobile vendors sell various food stuffs and other goods. A band may show up and soon people are dancing, the dog training class arrives to go through their paces, children with new bikes are learning to ride, adults do some power walking as their daily exercise, the school bands come to practice their skills and perhaps a group of kindergarden kids arrive with their tutor to learn how to march (focusing on the art of turning corners and staying in line) or other school children may come to practice short races. By early evening the plaza fills with people just strolling and visiting, young lovers gather around the fountains and many are eating the goods from food stalls – fruit, corn, atole (a type of hot drink), tamales and always the ice cream. Later men and women arrive with mobile stalls selling hamburgers, pizza, breads, candies. And finally the “hippies” appears with their tables loaded with jewelry.

The weekends may have a more festive mood with the sale of balloons and pull toys for kids, musicians play, the local traditional dancers perform the dance of the viejitos (the old ones), very small horses take children around the outside of the space, someone erects a small pace for children to work on drawings or paintings, and on occasion the municipality erects a stage for very good guitar players or singers.

There are of course special occasions. For day of the dead and for three kings day the plaza fills with vendors, political disputes may be played out by buses blocking all traffic around the plaza (if not the entire town), there is a performance of the Christmas story followed by the breaking of piñatas. At Easter a large representation of the sorrow of Mary is centrally displayed and the procession of silence winds around the square. Funeral processions may go through the plaza and wedding cars announce to the village a change in life for two people, carnival dancers use the space as do dancers honouring the anniversary of the last king of the indigenous empire, wreathes are placed around the main fountain on the anniversary of the Bishop honoured here. Parades for the first day of spring, or celebrating the day of the revolution, or independence day, or flag day or almost any other event, all take place here.

All of this activity appears to go on without dispute or intervention by the police. There also appears to be little vandalism. Spending time in the plaza almost always leaves you with a sense of peace and belonging and a strong desire to return again just to sit and watch.

There are other plazas in the village and if you want to have your shoes shined, buy a paper or magazine, sit and talk to the people of even smaller villages, buy (and eat) a wide variety of foods, purchase a pirated movie, have a shrimp cocktail or sit in the evening for a good meal of plaza chicken, then go to the small plaza

TRADITIONAL DANCE AS A STUDY IN CONTRASTS

Having visited Tzintzuntzan for the fiesta del Senor Rescate at least three times I was excited to discover Brandes’ book of 1988 on fiestas and social control in Mexico. He has done field work in Tzintzuntzan for many years and this pueblo was the focus of his analysis. What had previously seemed like a Pastorela gone bad now began to make some sense to me. So a few weeks ago I returned to the pueblo to watch La Danza to see if I could find the elements he described or to see what might have changed over 30 years.

The dance was revived in 1974 and the work by Brandes comes from observations in 1977 so much may have changed. It does have some of the elements of the Pastorlea common throughout the state but there are elements that make it unique to Tzintzuntzan. There are about 100 dancers with a few specific roles. There are two to three angels all played by young girls, about 60 cristianos who dress in long white dresses, wear a long red cape with religious symbols embroidered on them. Four of these dancers are leaders who appear at the heads of the lines and have slightly differently costumes. Brandes reported that two were women and two were men but on this occasion they were all women distinguished by a high collar trimmed in fur on their capes. Then there are at least two devils who may or not be in red and at least two death figures. Finally there are an unlimited number of others in black capes and wearing monster masks. Have no fear however as the monsters and devils usually have religious symbols on their backs as well. All of this is consistent with Brandes.

The cristianos begin the dances by moving in quite well organized lines, at times going in circles and then doubling back, sometimes holding hands as they move down the centre of the field and other times appearing to weave in and out of their own lines. Brandes explains that they also make lines to form a cross and at other times weave to illustrate the symbol of the snake (a representation of evil). This part was not obvious to me but the field was so crowded, and much dust was rising, that it may have just been impossible to recognize the patterns. While this is going on the “others” danced in a very disorganized fashion around the outside of the lines formed by the cristianos and at times getting in their way. There appeared to be little interaction with the organized lines but they did interact with the audience. The younger dancers would occasionally grab a young member of the audience and try to pull them into the group or they would push a snake in their face or offer them something that looked like an attractive gift but was dangerous. Frequently these dancers would then briefly remove their mask to reveal their identity to a friend. All of the non-humans avoided human speech and only expressed themselves in shrieks. What I did not see, but which Brandes makes much of, were examples of rude behavour or even of forbidden behaviours. There were no signs of homosexual gestures or gestures of sexual intercourse. No intimations of toilet behaviour or of using their swords or scythes as symbols of the phallus. The other significant difference was that all the masks were now made of plastic while in the past the majority had been of wood.

In spite of these missing elements one could see indications of ways in which the dance reinforced cultural ideals and displayed what could be seen as the ideal behaviour. The ideal dancers for example, were organized and danced in a coordinated way while the others danced in a chaotic fashion. All of the devils, death figures and the monsters were men which says a great deal about expectations. The fact that the “troublemakers” are all boys and men may say to boys and men that the society understands their true nature but also informs them that this day is the only time this behaviour will be tolerated. It also shows that the things people fear the most – death, evil and aggression can be looked at squarely and laughed at for one day at least.

In all, however, one can see a dance of contrast: Christians and non-Christians, humans and non-human, order and disorder, culture and nature, light and dark. All of this is given religious approval on the previous night when all of the dancers walk in procession with people of the town carrying their religious image (here call the “coronitas” ) through the street and enter the church for mass before performing the dance for the first time during the fiesta.

One thing I did notice which seemed to challenge the underlying assumptions was that at least one of the cristianos, who are supposed to be unmarried women and men, was carrying her baby. Another young women had a stud in her lower lip, a sign of a wider culture creeping into the pueblo.

If you want to see more photos from this and other dances go to: flickr.com/photos/okeover

MYSTERY IN A MEXICAN VILLAGE

Stand still! Listen to the church bells. The funeral procession approaching. The fireworks announcing the beginning of a celebration. The sound of the band as a carnival procession approaches your street. Sometime I think I hear something invisible, something I can almost see. Perhaps the spirit, or what others have called the collective conscience or the ties of community bonds.

This invisible something becomes most powerful during certain celebratory events with great community participation. Events such as the celebration of Easter. As a non-Catholics I do not appreciate the religious symbolism and as a member of a secular, individualistic culture I do not fully grasp what is happening. But I do feel emotion rising in my chest as I follow along as a non-member. Following the Palm Sunday celebration with Jesus retaking the walk into the city of Jerusalem followed by his disciples, angels, incense burners and a large group of believers waving palm boughs, one senses a ritual being reenacted for yet another time and probably with many of the same community members involved. Then entering the church to see a full church standing, waving their palm boughs and repeating: Christ is King”, even the non-believer experiences something. What is this?
Observing the story of Jesus’ betrayal, the trial and then sentence by Pilot, the whipping and then the procession to Calvary, again one senses the importance of ritual and not a tourist performance. The actors are all local people and yet the performance is professional, the costumes believable even if you look closely and see the Roman helmets include old broom heads painted gold, the actors give no hint of over acting or of signaling that they feel foolish or are just playing. Then as you watch the procession proceeding with Jesus carrying a large cross and stopping at some of the ‘stations’ one begins to sense the enormity of the undertaking and the emotional power of ritual. Watching the three crosses being raised with Jesus bearing his crown of thorns one again has a strong sense of something mysterious just about to be revealed. But what is it?

During the procession of silence this invisible something again pulls at you. The procession begins as night is about to fall and among other things includes a large image of Jesus carrying the cross or on the cross and a large image of the grieving Mary. The participants in the procession also include young people carrying many of the ritual items – the hammer and nails used for the crucifixion, the dice and vinegar, the crown of thorns, white linens to wrap the body – a group of angels, many groups in barefeet and covering their heads in pointed hats with only holes for their eyes, and a drummer who beats out a mournful sound throughout the procession. Most are dressed in black and carry red candle lights. As the procession winds through the town everything appears to go quiet except for the haunting sound of the drum. On one block on a residential street, every household has adorned the street with pine needles, erected alters, decorated the sidewalks with bows and colorful hoop holding candles. What is it that is in the air? What do I feel?
The resurrection procession is quite different as it now includes a large image of Jesus rising from his burial place and an image of the local Virgin. The music on this occasion is happy and the procession is accompanied by the lighting of colourful fireworks as the group passes each church along the route. The procession culminates in a large outdoor mass and then the ritualistic blowing up of Judas (and perhaps a local politician or two). These last events appear to alleviate the burden of the past three days as people hold their ears during the Judas blasts and dodge the sparkling “foot chasers” let off from the fireworks attached to Judas.
One is drawn to all of these events in part by the spectacle itself but more importantly by the strong representation of collective emotion and community solidarity in paying for and supporting these events. It is the ritual that is important and not the spectacle. The ritual appears to tie people to their community, to their beliefs, and uses emotion to give a sense of identity and belonging. It reminds us of what has been lost in more secular countries where our attempts at widespread participation is turned into a commercial events and the police are required to deal with the drunks. We come away from secular events remembering only the spectacle and not feeling a strong attachment to the community or our neighbors.

THE VIRGIN APPEARS

December 8, crowds gather inside and outside of the Basilica in anticipation of the appearance of the Virgin of Salud, the Virgin unique to Patzcuaro, Michoacan and responsible for a great deal of religious tourism The celebration coincides with the annual appearance of the fair, a collection of about 20 midway rides, games of chance, auctioneers flogging mounds of plastic household goods, and the aroma of many food stalls lining the streets. All of this is within a few yards of the Basilica, the site of the appearance. (In 2009 the feria was moved close to the edge of town.)

As the time passes those on the outside of the building stand on tiptoes, straining to see inside to determine if the Virgin has begun her slow walk among the crowds inside. Lovers press against the side of the Basilica, young granddaughter guide their grandmothers unaccustomed to the life of the city, fathers hoist their children to their shoulders, the screams of young girls and boys rise from the nearby rides and the relentless sound of explosions from the fireworks announcing the impending appearance of the Virgin fill the ears. The patience of the old mix with the exuberance of the young to create an atmosphere of anticipation. With some frequency eruptions of gunpowder drown out the noise from the secular fiesta surrounding the church. As if there is not entertainment enough, a twenty piece brass band plays in the corner of the courtyard and those so moved dance a few steps while their children run noisily and climb the bell tower of the church, shouting down their progress.

A sudden explosion of noisy fireworks rising over our heads signals that perhaps the time is near. Then, as if on cue, candles float from the Basilica followed by the Virgin being held aloft by ten believers and followed by a small coterie of priests in white. She makes her way slowly, the crowds gradually giving way to her movement and those close enough touch her garments; those gathered do not shout her name, but clap softly as she passes. The Virgin is about 500 hundred years old, made of cane paste with a technique used by the Tarascan peoples for many more years. She stands about 5 feet tall, a luxurious blue robe covering a long white dress; a crown depicts her status of Queen, an honour bestowed by the Pope about 100 years ago.

If you are lucky enough to be in Patzcuaro on the occasional year when the Virgin actually takes to the street, going much beyond the courtyard, you will experience two or three hours of religious fervour. Major streets are decorated in pine needles, rows of candles and then gladiolas are placed down the centre. The Virgin is preceded by constant fireworks and the procession is led by religious leaders, a small group of musicians. and a growing group of pilgrims. As She appears the gathered crowd cheers and shouts “long live the Queen of Mexico”, long live our heritage” and then some join the procession picking up the candles as they proceed. The procession visits the 5 or 6 churches in the historical centre where a series of prayers are made and a new group of believers takes on the task of carrying the prize. The procession returns to the Basilica making its way through the secular crowd and arriving to a great display of firework exploding over the church.

After this excitement one can just catch their breath before the festival of Guadalupe (that’s the other Virgin) on December 12.

MARX REVISITED

I have recently been thinking about Karl Marx' famous line about religion being the opiate of the masses. Opiate suggests a dulling of the senses and a state of being unaware of ones real condition. Marx of course saw this state as an impediment to the development of class consciousness and revolution that should follow. Religion of any kind seems to have something to do with dealing with an unpredictable world and the absence of direct control. Through religion one can believe one is exercising some control over events in your life. Before the arrival of Christianity to Mexico peoples believed in deities of various kinds and these could be invoked to deal with the unpredictable - help ensure that it rained, save a sick child, deal with natural disasters, improve human and crop fertility and deal with that great unknown, death.

The other line that keeps entering my mind is the social science claim that religiosity declines as the welfare state increases. The welfare state helps deal with some of the unpredictability of life: it provides a way to deal with illness, crop failure, safety rules to protect your children, and so on. In some way the states substitutes for the deities. If Marx was correct then both the welfare state and religion are opiates.

Let's look briefly at some events in Mexico. Any observer is shocked by the degree of risk in life and the number of young people in graves. As you drive along you notice many small trucks on the highway with small children sitting in the open box of the truck, ready to be thrown to injury and death at the smallest accident. If you need a truck to make a living and to transport goods to your pueblo and can't afford two vehicles, what choices do you have but to put the kids in the back? You also notice that highways and intersections are not engineered as well as they might be, increasing the likelihood of accident. If there is little you can do about these things why not hang an image of the Virgin in your window! If illness is around every corner and affordable health care is unavailable, why not entreat the Virgin to look after you. What do you do if you know that water quality is not always high? What do you do if your doctor recommends a drug to help with your child's sickness and yet the drug costs more than you are able to pay? Why not believe in miracles! In a land of the welfare state there is usually a mechanism of appeal to a tribunal of some kind and if not directly to a local politician. Mexico has a weak but developing welfare state but it is particularly weak as far as the poor and indigenous populations are concerned. So it appears to be among these groups that religion still has a strong hold. But does this leave them in a semi-aware state? It appears not.

In a land of structured corruption what do you do to gain some control over governments that do not appear to respond to your voice or your needs? No miracles here: People take to the streets in protest. In my area young students at a rural teachers college who were experiencing declining financial support for the college began to block the highway, handing out information sheets and asking for donations. They eventually took to hijacking buses on the highway and demanding financial aid for their return. This resulted in death and destruction and many young people taken to jail. During fiestas in our pueblo many people set up small stalls to sell foods or goods and as there is a rich festival life here this becomes an important source of income for many poor or indigenous families. The government recently decided to clean up the streets (perhaps for the tourists, or for those store owners with regular businesses). The small vendors did not take this sitting down. Local buses blocked the streets in support of their friends and the riot squad was called in to ensure that people did not act independently and set up their stalls.

So there appears to be a substantial contradiction between the ways people deal with areas of no control. In the most nebulous areas where it appears to be an individual problem (although everyone goes through these events eventually) you turn to religion. But when it is the government that you have elected to serve you, you take to the streets. There is class consciousness in some areas and not in others. Marx, however, is every where even in a somewhat traditional land. The newspaper recently talked about the "pulverization"
of the middle class; the "proletarianization" of the middle class; and the "pauperization" of the poor - terms you would never find in a newspaper of Canada or the USA. This land also came very close (some would say they won) to electing a very left wing government.

LIKE HOCKEY FOR DANCING

Two weeks ago we traveled to San Juan Nuevo in Michoacan to witness the competition of the famous traditional dance of that town - the dance of the Kurpites, a dance dating back 300-400 years. As I watched the event unfold I began to think that the experience was similar to watching a hockey game in Canada. Let me illustrate. We arrived to discover that a stage had been erected in the town plaza and temporary viewing stands built on all 4 sides. The place was crowded shortly after the beginning and by the arrival of the main event there were at least 1.000 people present. The main event was a competition between two neighorhood teams, each team with about 12 dancers. The dance has clearly defined roles: Maria, a beautiful woman (perhaps representing Mary or a grandmother), the grandfather (or perhaps Joseph) and ten young men (the Kurpites). All have wonderfully carved wooden masks and exquisite garments and all must be unmarried men. The outfit of the grandfather is the most beautiful with every inch covered in embroidery or sequins. The interpretation of the dance is unclear but in one way or another it seems to be about courtship or gaining approval to marry. Each of the Kurpites wears a beautiful handmade apron sewn by his girlfriend. Each team dances and then the two Marias dance, then the two grandfathers and finally a representative of the Kurpities. A winner is chosen and then more dancing ensues through the streets and back on the stage. So how does hockey come into this?

Many vendors move through the crowds and everyone is eating. More importantly the crowd comes equipped with noise makers and they cheer for their favorite team (or for their neighborhood). There is much applause and as the various dancers take to the stage they throw candies for the children. There is great excitement. Like hockey the dancers must practice a great deal to improve their foot work and body moves. Indeed my friend who had not seen this dance before had convinced himself that the Maria had hips and breasts and was unbelieving when told she was a man. Dancers are carefully nurtured in the community, for example the first act of the afternoon had been a dance of the Kurpites by young community members and their outfits were equally beautiful and the dancers polished. I am sure every house in Canada still has a hockey stick or two in the basement and maybe some tattered equipment. As the afternoon progressed I began to imagine that every house in San Juan Nuevo must have a mask or two, maybe an old apron or other dance items. The dance penetrates the town very deeply.
While there are similarities to hockey we see that the old dance has not been commercialized nor professionalized and the dancers dance for the status and not for money. But the dance gives the town pride through the skill of its community dancers and though the extensive involvement of the entire community. It is a source of identity and to some extent distinguishes this town from others.

While the community itself pays for much of this event there are other interesting sources of financial support I will try to talk about in a future post.