LISTEN UP CANADIANS!

Hockey is important to Canadians, although the real national sport is lacross which predates hockey by many years having been played by indigenous peoples of the region. But, you only get hockey night in Canada and there is endless chatter in the media about teams and playoffs. When the Olympics come around Canada's pride and sense of identity is carried by the hockey team. But a form of hockey can be found at least 3500 years ago in Mexico, the center of this game being Michoacan.
Archeological artifacts from the above date show small clay sculptures of figures carrying what are clearly hockey sticks. This game is still practiced today and is undergoing a resurgence among the local indigenous community (Purepechas) and the non-indigenous. Traditionally, there were 5 people per side, the sticks made of a single piece of wood with a curve created by the growth of a branch. The sticks may be decorated and are quite heavy. The ball (our puck) can weigh no more than 500 grams (just over one pound) and is made of a stone covered in a foam-like material and then this is covered with a woven material (perhaps originally from cactus fibre) applied in such a way as to not allow the adherence of water. This ball is then soaked in gasoline and set afire. The ball can be hit with a very strong blow, sending it flying throw the air with the opposition only able to stop it with their sticks. There are frequent injuries to the players and almost always a little tension to the game as the ball may strike the clothing of an observer, go under a nearby car or land on a plastic tarp of neighboring food stalls.
The game appears to be very competitive but in fact it is pure ritual. Perhaps the equivalent of Canadians singing the national anthem prior to a hockey game, a shaman-like person opens the game with the playing of a conche shell, the recitation of verses giving thanks for the air, water, land etc. and then turning to the four directions. While this goes on the players have placed their sticks in a pattern around the ball. At the close of this ceremony they kneel to touch the earth. The purpose of this ritual in unclear but there is clearly an exotic and mysterious feel in the air. Perhaps the significance is carried in the fire ball. The new year for the local indigenous people is February 1 and the new year is ushered in with a ceremony of the new fire. The fire ball must have some connection to the importance of fire in this ritual.

VISIT TO 7 CHURCHES, HOLY THURSDAY

For the non-Catholic there are many events surrounding Easter that seem mysterious in the sense of being unfathomable at first. One of these is the practice of visiting seven churches during the evening of holy Thursday (Maundy Thursday). Why 7 churches? What are you to do while in the church? In Pátzcuaro it is very easy to visit 7 churches in a reasonable time as you can find them within about a 5 minute walk of each other. As a result, come 7 PM, the whole town appears to be on the move giving a friendly neighborhood atmosphere. The streets are a gentle flow of people going in all directions, often making vehicle traffic difficult. There are one or two food stalls outside each church but the focus appears to be on family gatherings, talking as they approach the next church. So many people are engaged that there are lines at each church and you are usually funneled in and out quite quickly. In many, the majority of the pews have been removed to give room to move and stand for a few minutes, but some people do manage to get to the remaining pews and appear to sit for awhile. We managed to enter two churches before deciding the lines too long. On returning from diner around 10:00 PM there were still substantial lines, so I have no idea when the flow eased. OK, what is this about?

The term Maundy appears to come from the Latin word at the base of the Spanish term “mandar”, meaning to command or order. Now we need to remember that Thursday was the day of the Last Supper and at this event Jesus is thought to have said: “Love one another, as I have loved you”. So the whole evening is a commemoration of the Last Supper. Although practice may vary from place to place, earlier in the day there may have been a Last Supper mass where the sacraments (the bread and wine) were used. After that mass the sacraments are removed and placed in the “alter of repose”, which may well be just a cabinet. (At this mass there may also be a blessing of the oil which will be used in religious events throughout the year and as many priests as possible are encouraged to attend to symbolize the disciples of Jesus). There will not be another mass until the day of resurrection.

So when one visits the 7 churches you are thought to be doing a number of things. Commemorating the Last Supper, but perhaps more importantly spending time with the “alter of repose” which I think now stands for Jesus. Perhaps we are declaring that we are disciples of Jesus. So we are sharing time with each other and also with Jesus prior to the dreadful events of the Friday to come. In previous centuries, and even today, these visits were also a way to obtain an “Indulgence”, which is a payment for the debt one owes to God. For this to count one must spend one hour in devotion to God and take communion earlier in the day or within the next week. This might help explain why so many participate in the activities of Holy Thursday.

So why 7 churches? This is unclear to me but in the book of revelations there are 7 churches mentioned which are now located in Turkey. These churches date from the first century and were a significant part of Christian history. Each of these carries a distinctive personality characteristics, also thought to be characteristics of people. For example, there is the church that falls asleep, the church that is neither hot nor cold, the church of brotherly love and so on. There are now 7 churches in Rome, identified by Papal order, to be the 7 that followers should visit. So in every city and town the 7 churches you visit must stand for those churches of the pilgrim route. If well informed each church gives you a moment to reflect on the features of your own personality.

As a non-Catholic I find it very hard to understand the conceptual language of Catholicism so it is very possible I have this story very wrong.

THE MARKET OF PATZCUARO

(photo: entrance to market at Codallos and Ramos)
This post had its origin in the public speculation and political activity over the past year around getting vendors off the street. It is difficult to get a straight answer but it seems that Pátzcuaro has been under pressure to “clean up” the streets in order to maintain its status as a “pueblo magico”, a designation which provides substantial money for local improvements. Two large building have been built in the past three years apparently designated as the new home of some of the vendors. There is no doubt that there are a very large number of street vendors in the town. (A newspaper recently suggested there were 2,000.) They are clustered around the Basilica, on many street corners, in the middle of blocks, the portals of the main plaza, and other places. There is a weekly market of indigenous goods in a plazuela close to the centre every Friday. During Semana Santa vendors arrive on the street running along this plazuela, carry in sufficient firewood for two weeks and begin to cook and sell sweet corn and tomales. During the Day of the Dead celebrations there is a large public market for artisans in the main plaza, this is repeated for Three Kings Day and again for Semana Santa. Until last year the annual fair (with a substantial mid-way) positioned around the fiesta for Guadalupe was located on a wide street running along side of the Basilica and the spill over from this was substantial. Until last year vendors were allowed in the smaller plaza and this was only allowed after a strike by the small buses and then the arrival of heavily armed police. For many these vendors are what give the pueblo its character (its magic) but clearly for others they are seen as a problem. With this in mind I felt it important to document the main fruit and vegetable market although I don’t think this market is in danger. But what if I am wrong and it is gone next year. (As I post this the government has been able to keep street vendors from the newly renovated plaza and negotiations are underway to clear others.)

Outdoor markets are very common in Mexico and go back many centuries. The Aztec word for these markets was “tianguis” and this is till used. So we are about to enter a large tianguis. Before we enter here is a brief summary.

Stalls on the streets and passageways of the area: 300
Stalls on the interior market (under a permanent roof): 113
Along the divider between the upper and lower part of interior 20
Stalls clustered around the Plaza entrance to the market: 45
Stalls clustered around the Codallos entrance to the market: 25
Stalls on the portals of the small plaza: 50
Giving us a grand total of 520 stalls. This must be the original department store

Now if we express this in meters we find the outdoor market covers about 0.9 kilometers
and the indoor market covers about 0.6 kilometers . So, a walk through might take a journey of 1.5 kilometers.

If we imagine the stalls all placed end-to-end they would cover 3.0 kilometers.

Now, we are standing at the corner of Codallos and Ramos and about to enter the market. Look around: along Codallos there are 2 regular trucks selling produce and 5-10 women sitting on the sidewalk and selling a few things from their yards perhaps. At the corner there are fresh flowers, in late afternoon and evening a hot food stand and on busy days a man with live chickens, quail or turkeys. On the opposite side are a few temporary looking (covered) stalls selling fruit, canes, fire starters, mortars and pestels, chocolate whips, dried corn leaves and dried fish. Just behind these stalls are 3-4 stand-up hot food stands and 3 more stalls selling low fired pots, dried fish (in short, many things for rural people). Continuing along Calle Codallos there are baskets of dried fish, 4-5 women sitting on the street selling fresh fish, a mobile stand selling hats, scarfs, and on occasion a hot food stand. This is now the entrance to the templo. Note: along Calle Benito Juarez you will find 2-3 locations that seem to serve as warehouses for produce and a woman selling cut fruit. At the back of all of this is a basketball court which on Tuesday and Friday serves as a flea market with up to 50 people displaying their goods laid out on the court.
Now we are ready to enter the main food market. The major section of the market is temporary in the sense that it occupies a public road so vendors must clean up each night and reassemble their stalls each morning. They all place plastic tarps over their stalls usually of quite different colours. Because this is a street there are regular stores (tiendas) behind the tarps and sometimes there are sidewalks. I do not describe these stores but there are about 18 stores along the Calle Codallos section (one of these entrances opens to an arcade with a further 10 stores) and another 28 along the lower part of Libertad section and an additional 18-20 on the upper part. The vendors on these streets each pay a small fee to display their goods. In 2010 I think it was 10 pesos per day. A government official arrives each day to issue small paper permits. There is also a large covered area creating a permanent market and this will be described later. On our right ...

cut fruit (ready for a snack)
fruit
cut fruit
vegetables
fruit
vegetables
fruit
fruit
fruit
fruit
vegetables
on ground: fish, peppers
clothing store with clothing
hair supplies dollar store
cloths
On the other side we find:
diapers
on ground: nopales
on ground: nopales
on ground: nopales
fruit
tissue and paper products
dried goods (peppers, seed, spice...)
dried goods
dried goods
clothing
on ground: fruit
fruit
large bags of munchie foods store
prawns fish store
fruit
fruit
fruit
cut fruit
vegetables
on ground: nopales (cactus leaves)
temporary hot food cart

We now turn right along an aisle that comes out at Plaza Chica. There are goods on each side of the aisle with a few stores on the right side and on the left side another aisle behind the one we are on. Many of the stalls in this area have some protection from the elements.

on ground: few household goods, bread, honey
on ground: clothing
food stall
pails store with household goods
fruit, nopales
underwear store with underwear
clothing
clothing
clothing
on ground: beans
clothing
clothing
clothing
clothing
bedding
household goods
clothing
tortilla maker
clothing
clothing store with clothes
household utensils fabric store
clothes
store
on ground: baskets
clothes
tortilla maker
barber
clothes
bathrooms
dollar store tortilla maker
dollar store
shoe store
shoe store
dollar store
dollar store

beyond this there are a variable number of hot food stands and then the plaza. If we now turn around and retrace our steps, but looking at the other side, we see...

hot food stall
clothing
clothing
barber
shoe repair
eye glasses
hats
shoe repair
(not set up)
(not set up)
dollar store
on ground: hats
watches, etc
tools
children’s clothing (an entrance to interior market)
dollar store
pans
tools
CDs
CDs
clothing
clothing
on ground: nopales, root vegetables
clothing
clothing
clothing
flowers
shoes
threads
Note as we walked up this aisle, all of which was under tarps, you will have noticed that there was another aisle running parallel and this contained about 20 stalls selling clothing.

shoes
flowers
clothes
clothes
small plastic stuff
?
on ground: 4 vegetables stalls
clothes
shoes
odds & ends
odds & ends
small hardware things
fish
3 hat stalls
baskets
sun glasses
watches
belts

We now turn right and proceed further along Calle Codallos and go deeper into the market

plants
underwear/socks
fruit
underwear
pig products (heads, feet, stomach, entrails, ears, etc.)
vegetables
vegetables
vegetables
dried goods (peppers, beans, spices)
clothing
clothing
vegetables
fruit
fruit
fruit
fruit
on ground: fish
dried things
dried things/tomatoes
vegetables
vegetables
vegetables

We are now at the intersection of Calle Codallos and Calles Libertad. If we turn left we arrive at a small hill which is another entrance exit to/from the market. On this short section you will find.

shoes
fruit
vegetables
vegetables/dried things
CDs
root vegetables
fruit
pineapples
shoes
drink stand
fruit/roots
fruit
fruit
vegetables
shoes
dried foods
cut fruit
dried foods
fruit
fruit
fruit
fruit
A side streets cuts off here
vegetables
vegetables
vegetables
vegetables
now a section with boxes or bags of fruit or vegetables -- like wholesale goods.
stand with watermelons
about ten handcarts and another 12 large push carts with men for hire to push vendors’ products into the market or to to take a large amount of shopping to your home or restaurant. There are also 4-5 trucks parked here with goods. The meat trucks also park here and the pork and beef carcases carried into the market on men’s backs.

Now we retrace our steps to the main intersection, and continue down calle libertad

dried foods
hot food
shoes
vegetables
vegetables
vegetables
vegetables
vegetables
fruit/vegetables
vegetables
vegetables
car abandoned from last night and now covered with corn
vegetables
oils/salsas/dried goods
vegetables
vegetables
vegetables
vegetables
vegetables/seeds/beans
vegetables
clothing
hot peppers
vegetables
on ground: two women selling nopales This is an entrance to the interior market.


If we had been looking to our left we would see

dried goods
hot food stand
shoes
clothing
vegetables
vegetables
jeans
vegetables
vegetables
vegetables
jeans
roast chickens
CDs
roast chicken
sewing patterns/threads and more

There is a side street now with small market section: It contains:

baskets
vegetables
on ground: vegetables
?
fish
cheese
herbs, flowers
vegetables
hot foods
clothes
herbs
on ground: vegetables
on ground: vegetables
on ground: vegetables
chicharon (pork rinds)
on ground: vegetables
vegetables
vegetables
hot food
vegetables
vegetables

Now retrace our steps and continue down Calle Libertad
dried goods
hot food stand
shoes
vegetables
vegetables
vegetables
fruit/vegetables
vegetables
vegetables
not yet occupied
not occupied
fruit
CDs
dollar store
bedding
CDs
on ground: sweets
hot food
?
shoes, few flowers
kitchens things
kitchen things
kitchen things
entrance to interior market
fruit
shoes
clothes
clothes
straw things, spoons
(not set up)
assortment, kids things
clothing
clothing
Jewelry
on ground: baby chicks, few foods
(not set up)
dollar store
tools

We are now facing Plaza Chica. Before leaving look around the Plaza and see what you need. You will find
9 shoe shine stands
4-5 stands selling shrimp cocktails
2 mobile ice cream stands and then squeezed around the entrance to the market
jewelry
flavored ices
on ground: hats
on ground: beans and seeds
nopales
plants
carved spoons
t-shirts
cut fruit
tomales
hot food
pails/toys
clothes
hat
underwear
plants
straw goods
2 food stands
clothes
fruit (often very Mexican items)
fruit (often very Mexican items)
straw goods
vegetables
dried seeds and beans
jewelry
4 tables you can sit down at and eat

In the evening about 4 large tables appear along with propane fires and what are called “plaza chickens” are prepared - a large piece of chicken, onions, and vegetables all prepared on very large comals. On the opposite side of Plaza Chica you will find 4-5 more tables set up on the side walk serving the same dishes. Under the portal on the west side of the plaza you will find another 20 stalls selling things like, CDs, breads, sweets, magazines, newspapers, watches, and so on. Then, under the portal on the south side of the plaza you will find another 25 stalls selling things like CDs, traditional clothing, rebozos, newspapers, hot food.

Let’s turn and retrace our steps and go back up Libertad and look on the right, we have

clothes (hand made), baskets
toys
hats, bags
on ground: food, nopales
on ground: breads
jewelry
jewelry
hair products, toilet paper
underwear
underwear
hangers, soaps, cleaning agents
vegetables
vegetables
fruit
clothes
slippers
shoes
bags
fruit
fruit
candy
honey
fresh cheese
CDs
medicinal herbs


Before leaving the outdoor market it should be note that the goods of these stalls change through the season. For example around Christmas many stalls appear selling mangers, animals for your manger, moss to place in the manger, Christmas lights. etc. Sugar cane also arrives close to Christmas and is piled high close to one entrance. There are also many mobile stands moving through the aisles selling batteries, puddings, drinks, honey, hot corn kernels in a cup, ice cream, and much more. As well there are often beggars, sometimes with no legs, deformed hands or a little crazy.

Now we must go into the covered market, a very large space which was partially damaged in a 1995 propane fire. This market has two parts, the upper part covering approximately 40 meters by 50 meters(2000 square meters). The second part, almost two-thirds of the interior, is 100 meters by 50 meters (5000 square meters).
Here is the appearance of the upper parts (West portion).
13 butchers
12 stalls with fresh chickens
6 stalls selling hot carnitas
1 stall selling lamb
1large flower stall. There are also piñatas in this area.
3 women sitting and selling fresh tortillas, gorditas, etc.
1 stall selling dried products
4 stalls with fresh vegetables and on occasion others sit in the doorway
several places to sit and have some hot food
medicinal supplements, etc.
5 stalls with dried goods
plastic dishes for fiestas
stand with sandwiches and drinks
stand with jewelry
2 stalls with a variety of goods including pails of lard, pails of moles, etc.
needlework supplies
toys/shoe laces
and in the south-west corner a bathroom and a large area serving food.

There is a passage way between the two halves and a change of levels. This area is often occupied by women selling tortillas, cheese, avocados, and much more. On the day I observed there were
4 shoe stalls
sweets
avocados
8 clothing stalls
toys
and women selling tortillas and nopales

Now to the larger half of this enclosed market. This is a complex structure of passageways so this description is not picture perfect.

along the north wall here are 16 stalls to sit and eat
on the east end there are another 8-10 stalls selling hot food
10 clothes stalls
threads
small household appliances
sheets of plastic
dried stuff
shoes
shoes
6 more shoe stalls
herbal medicines
knitting supplies
2 rebozo stores
2 stalls with wooden things (spoons, toys,..)
4 more stalls with wooden things
sweets
2 peanut stalls
4 more places to sit and eat
fruit

What a selection!

NOTES ON A RELIGIOUS FESTIVAL (PART III)

Now I need to try to say something about the religious aspect of a portion of this day. Margaret Visser has been my guide to a small extent (see her book The Geometry of Love). Visser shows that the Catholic church edifice is an intentional physical construct with something more than architectural delight or aesthetics in mind. It is built and designed to remind people of mystical experiences they have had in the past but have put aside or forgotten - those occasions in which we have felt some profound insight into our place in the world. She suggests these insights are similar to the insights of the mystics - the ability to feel or experience two things at the same time, to live for the moment within a contradiction of our world. To feel you are unique and individual and at the same time that you are identical to all others in the world and thus insignificant. Or to give a trivial example, to see that something is black and white at the same time - the opposites have been collapsed.

This is achieved, if the church is designed well and you are ready, through a few things inside the church. First, in a Catholic church, one is surrounded by a history of your culture and indeed by the transcendent history of your people. Second, it encourages self reflection through a physical walk or a walk with your eyes - you see the stations of the cross and reflect on how each of these might reflect on your story, you walk to the alter and walk through history and through your own life history even that part which is not yet complete. Most churches allow you to walk up behind the alter and in a sense make a full circle, always coming back to where you began - life is infinite. Third, there is a great deal of ritual involved which takes you out of your personal situation and, through cooperation with others, create an event that can give you a transcendent experience. I am I and yet I am you. Some of these ritual events are quite profound. In the case of interest here it is the procession of the Virgin of Salud from the church and through the streets of the town, an event which takes several hours and much anticipation.

A long mass begins the event and at the end of this the curtains are drawn on the Virgin. In a few moments the Virgin appears from behind the alter and the crowd erupts in applause and shouts of “long live the queen of Pátzcuaro”. She is then placed on a platform and six men slowly walk her down the aisle to the front door. Those outside the church can now see her coming and begin to clap and take pictures. When she moves through the doorway there is loud clapping and shouts. Some try to touch her garments as She goes by. The same feeling erupts along the crowd-filled streets and at the 6 alters set up through the town. In each alter the men take the Virgin up a step or two and turn her to face the crowd. The Bishop blesses the site and with singing and praise the crowd cheers and again shouts long live the Queen. When She returns to the church, now full of people and anticipation, the place erupts on her entry- the brass band plays, fireworks explode outside. She slowly return to her place and the curtains are again opened, again to more applause.

This is a ritual event with power. First you experience some solidarity with those around you and you are drawn into the experience. There is a moment of transcendence as you see at one and the same time that the image is just a very old piece of art work made from “pasta de caña”, it is physical and at the same time is divine. The first we can see but the second is something that we all create and feel. No one truly believes that this image is real in the sense of being alive and able to hear our shouts and touches. Rather, we are able to see two things at the same time, the mundane and the divine and they are one.

This written by one raised in the Protestant tradition thus unfamiliar with the glorification of images. However, as a sociologist, fascinated by rituals and the roles they play in ordinary lives.

NOTES ON A RELIGIOUS FESTIVAL (PART II)

I will now try to explore in a small way the the symbolism of the Moors and the danza de los Moros. On December 7, the day before the Fiesta de la Salud, a relatively new group of Moor dancers performed in front of the alter of the Basilica. This year the dance group consisted of 4 men and 4 women (las Moras), each group in slightly different costume. While it is interesting that women were performing in this dance (the first time I have seen this) they did not perform together but as two groups. The group was accompanied by their traditional band and four horses. They gathered outside the Basilica and when ready the priest came to the door, blessed everyone and welcomed them into the church. The female dancers and then the male dancers performed in front of the alter and before a reasonable crowd. The dancers were introduced by the priest and supported as carrying on an ancient tradition. I believe this tradition represents the indigenous acceptance of Christianity and subservience to the new God. I wonder if the dancers or the audience associate the dance with Muslims or infidels or if it has just become the traditional dance of the region in praise of God and church. What do Muslims think of this dance? The inquisition was applied primarily to Muslims and Jews and then the emerging Protestants. Does any of this enter the minds of those in the Basilica?
On completing the dance the male dancers mount their horses and with the women walking in front begin a parade through the pueblo, terminating at the presidencia (the office of the mayor and officialdom). Here they are greeted by the mayor and an array of bureaucrats. The organizer of the dance then offers a glass of tequila to the authorities, a traditional male gift giving. The dance is performed before the mayor and gathered crowd. Then the torito dancers perform and at one point the mayor and then bureaucrat are invited to perform, first as the bull and then the teaser.

I may be making too much of this but we have seen the indigenous peoples presenting themselves to and dancing for the two primary structures of power in the community - church and state. The church that surpressed their ancient religion and worked hard to bring them into the state sponsored religion of the Spanish. The state that seized their land and rather quickly transformed their way of life and challenged their historic structures of power. Most have been left in a marginal state and clinging to some traditional ways, having incorporated religious beliefs and events into their ancient traditions.

So what is the dance about? The criticisms of Cortes and even Christopher Columbus have been put aside for the day, and at the invitation of the church and the state, they show their subservience and at the same time display some of their unique cultural style and color.
See next post.

NOTES ON A RELGIOUS FESTIVAL - PART I

This post (the first of three) attempts to describe and give my impressions of the Fiesta for Nuestra Senora de la Salud in Pátzcuaro. This Virgin is unique to this town (having been made Patrona de Pátzcuaro in 1737 and having a coronation in 1899, making her a Queen) and her day, December 8, is perhaps the biggest day in the calendar of the pueblo. The most fascinating event is the mass held for the indigenous people of the region. On entering the Basilica one is presented with a series of stain glass windows around the upper reaches of the church depicting the history of this virgin. The story begins with the indigenous people, their encounter with the Spaniards and then the arrival of the Catholic church represented by Don Vasco, a local hero. Then we see Salud crowned by the Pope and witnessed by the King of Spain. So the indigenous people are depicted as having a long and positive relationship with the church.

Mass is given in the Purépecha language and the indigenous people play a very large part, giving the event its memorable texture and feeling. Their typical brass band provides the music, women read the scriptures and most of the singing is in the almost falsetto voice of the indigenous men and women. Only a few of the elements of the day are described here and my interpretations may be very wrong.

Facing the alter were 8 Moor dancers (la danza de los Moros), standing for the entire mass. Their dance attire is very special with blue capes and white hats on the women and white capes with blue hats on the men. The hats are not very common anymore, looking like three small stacked pillows in rich fabric adorned with beads, feathers and silver fish. The women’s capes were covered in gold stars and their aprons with flower-like shiny objects and three discreet bows. The men have colorful leggings and boots with substantial spurs. The Moors are always present for the celebration of patron saints and this would explain their presences at this mass. The Moors represent the Catholic victory over infidels, (and perhaps in a more general sense, the world), meaning the Muslims, and their conversion to Christianity. The Spanish Inquisition emerged because this conversion was often temporary or feigned. Nevertheless, the Moors standing in the church represent this conversion and in a more direct sense the conversion of the indigenous peoples of Mexico.

At one point the priest goes to the front door and invites in a small procession of men and women. The men are blowing the conch shell and the women carrying a rather large platform bearing a book. I was not sure what the book was, perhaps the Book of Luke. The priest received this book, holding it high for all to see, opening to a page with an image which he kissed. Passages were then read from this book.

The priest then approached the front door again and invited in a group of 60 women, dressed in traditional clothing and wearing or carrying the distinctive shawl of the area, bearing baskets of food as offerings. They were led by men blowing the conch and a woman carrying a traditional container with smoking copal. The women danced down the central aisle, up to the alter where they handed their gifts to the priest who kissed each offering and passed it to another priest to place around the alter. The copal burner was then held high by the priest and he walked around the alter with it before leaving it to distribute its magnificent aroma. The Moors who had left quietly to join this procession, then resumed their central place. Were they in this act making an offering of themselves, showing their submission to God and the church?

While all of this was going on a group of about 10 concheros (representing the prehispanic people) were dancing outside the doors. They too, however, were dancing before an image of the virgin in a chair with baby Jesus as well as another image of Guadalupe. At the end of the mass the Moors gave a presentation of their historic dance. This dance was followed by a group of Purépecha women in colourful traditional clothing doing a dance of the torito, a small and colourful bull held over the head of one of the dancers. (Apparently the torito was the indigenous way of making fun of the Spaniards and their bulls. But they clearly weren’t making fun of the Spanish Christians. I think there are other ways to interpret some of this dance which I will try to talk about later). At the same time Los Mojigangas (15 feet tall giants) were doing their dance and passing the hat. In another corner of the church yard the viejitos (old men) were dancing. This historic dance too was a way of teasing the walking and posture of the older Spanish, perhaps even the priests. So we have this lovely mixture of teasing and subservience. An interesting display of the power structure of the community and perhaps the nation. In the next two posts I will comments on this events and its relationship to the power structures of the town and then on its religious significance.

DANCING AT THE ALTAR

After a short while in Mexico it is hard to believe there was a time when the Catholic church prohibited dancing in the church grounds or even the grave yard. In fact, according to Barbara Ehrenreich (2007), there were many attempts to stop festival dancing in the event that it might lead to an uprising. The Spaniards also did this when they arrived in Mexico to find a strong tradition of ritual dancing and mask wearing. So it was with some surprise that I saw private dancing in the church. We were exploring the large and beautiful church in Nuevo San Juan, Michoacan, when an older couple began doing a simple dance step towards the alter. They took a couple of steps forward and one backwards and were doing a version of the step familiar to most Mexicans. They were then followed by a young man carrying a child doing the same dance.

What was this about? Ralph Beals, in his 1940 anthropological description of Cheran, Michoacan, (not far from Nuevo San Juan) gives us some answers. He reports that a great many Tarascans (Purepechas) have a strong belief in the miraculous powers of the Christ image in San Juan Parangaricutiro (a town destroyed by a volcano in the 1940s and relocated as the village of Nuevo San Juan). Associated with this belief was the ritual of dancing at least part way to the church upon entering the town to make pilgrimage. (Usually around September 14). If one laughed at those dancing they risked becoming paralyzed and then must dance to become cured. Others danced within the church or in front of the alter and this ritual was thought to cure illness.

I think it is clear that it is a version of this previous belief system and ritual that was witnessed in 2009. If anyone knows how extensive this practice remains it would be great to hear from you.

PS. It should be said that other forms of ritual dancing in the church are not uncommon. I have witnessed the Moors entering the church with their band, being blessed by the priest and then dancing. On another occasion the viejitos did the same thing and on another the viejitos and the Moors entered the church and remained in the centre aisle through the service and then danced outside. Indeed the Moors almost always enter the church to experience the mass and then go through the church at the end of the dance (to symbolize their conversion in my belief). Even the Mojigangas (giant figures of about 15 feet) have been seen dancing in the Basilica. We have also seen the Curpites, joined by their band, dance in front of the altar.

IMAGES OF CHRIST

Good Friday is almost past, but not without the procession of images of Christ. Two things struck me on observing this event once again. The first is to be reminded of how easily those in the secular West dismiss Christianity (and perhaps all religions). Second, and related, is the importance of this event.

Let’s begin with a brief description. The procession is scheduled to begin at 7:00PM but everyone knows it won’t begin until dusk. Nevertheless, the center of town is virtually shut down from about 6:300 – about 10 square blocks of this pueblo. As vehicles have been removed, people take to the streets, some taking up their positions along the curbs, others just walking perhaps looking for a better viewing place. By the time the procession begins there must be 1,000 (or perhaps 2,000) on the streets. One has the feeling the entire town has turned out for this annual event. The procession begins with the mandatory truck with four police officers with machine guns at the ready and then the Bishop protected by a canopy held by four men (and perhaps the guns) and then a lovely image of Mary (revealing again her importance as the mother of Christ). The main procession consists of a Christ image from every church in town, some very large images taking 8 men to carry and others no more than 15 inches high. One or two images are of Christ in his glass tomb (which fascinates the young children) and others carried on a mat or in a supine position on the cross. Many of the walkers carry candles to suggest that the life of Christ will live on after his death earlier in the day. The procession takes about 30 minutes to pass: There is no band (which is very unusual) and the entire crowd is silent.

Why do people come? Clearly they do not come to see the latest image as little has changed over the years. It is not novelty that brings them out, but the predictable. If we rely on Brandes (1988) analysis we note that there are no masks, suggesting that the main participants are not playing a social role in which individual identity is lost. On this occasion people are truly playing themselves, as are the crowd. We are all participating in collective ritual in which we must see and be seen. We all remind ourselves of our membership (the writer and probably many other westerners present can be excluded from this claim) and this reminder binds members together and provides a collective identity. In a Catholic country this identity is reinforced several times throughout the year, but the events of these few days restate the importance of that membership and provides emotional attachment and feeling of importance. The events of these days make public the very foundations of the group – a belief in Christ, in the story of his crucifixion and resurrection.

By coincidence I read a story in Canada’s national newspaper reporting the dismay of professors of English literature at the growing unawareness of the story of Christianity among their students. This unawareness prevents them from understanding the metaphors, phrases and persons from the Bible that have shaped much of the literature of the West. Some students fail to understand why their professor is frequently talking about Christianity and perhaps see this as bias. However, this story, which has been around for 2000 years (perhaps the only longer surviving story is that of the Jews) has penetrated much of our language and story telling. Perhaps this is part of my dismay at the ease with which the secular west dismisses Christianity. If this same story were encountered while traveling in the darkest (if any such place still exists) of the Amazon, we would marvel and go out of our way to learn more. Now students would rather take a course in the history of rock music than read the Bible or listen to analysis of this old story.